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statements of Cabeza dc Vaca and other vague re-
ports, the viceroy sent Father Marcos of Nizza with
the negro or Moor Estevanico to reconnoitre towards
the north. The friar coming back with the news that
sedentary Indians had been met beyond what are now
the limits of Mexico, an expetUtion was determined
upon and Coronado was made commander.
One of the cliief objects of this expedition seems to have been to free Mexico from an idle and unruly ele- ment. Hence exaggerated accounts of the northern regions, of the culture of their inhabitants, and of their mineral resources, were purposely spread abroad. Whether or not Coronado knew of tliis object is not stated. The expedition collected at Compostella on the Pacific coast, and consisted of about 300 Spaniards and 1000 Indians, with 1000 horses and six swivel guns (pedereros) . There were also a number of sheep and some cattle, and everything indicated that the intention was not only to explore but to colonize. In the course of two years Coronado visited almost every New Mexican ptiehlo then inhabited. The first of the pueblo groups touched was what is now called Zuiii, which had become known to the Spaniards through Father Marcos of Nizza the year previous under the name of "Cibola". The first engagement took place about 7 July, at the village of Hauicu of the Zuiii group. Coronado was wounded, but the pueblo taken. After that, only one other conflict with Pueblo Indians occurred, viz., near Bernalillo, in New Mexico, on the Rio Grande, in March, 1541. The conduct of Coro- nado towards the Indians during the whole campaign was humane and he secured their respect and sym- pathy. New Mexico and Arizona (which he explored as far as the Colorado River) thsappointed the expec- tations of the Spaniards. The wealth in metals sui> posed to exist there was not fovmd, the inhabited regions were partly barren, and the population less numerous than it had been represented. While Coro- nado was establishing himself at Zufii, another expe- dition, by sea, under the command of Hernando de AlarQon, reached the mouth of the Colorado and ex- plored the course of the river for about two himdred miles inland, but found it impossible to communicate with Coronado, and retm-ned to the Mexican coast.
While at the pueblo of Pecos, south-east of the pres- ent city of Santa Fe, the Spaniards had been told glowing stories of metallic riches among a tribe called Quiwa, said to dwell beyond the great eastern plains. These tales were reported by an Indian from the plains, a captive among the Pecos tribe. Coronado set out for Quivira on 23 April, 1541, with part of his forces, and wandered as far as the confines of Arkan- sas, then northward as far as southern Nebraska, find- ing none but nomadic IntUans, except at the farthest point reached by him, where the Quivira Indians lived in more stable settlements of houses, round in shape and built of wood, with roofs of grass. They culti- vated corn, and the only trace of metal was a piece of native copper which they had obtained from afar. After an absence of six months Coronado returned to New Mexico on the Rio Grande, and while there suffered a fall from his horse, which injured his head seriously. Henceforward he lost energy. His people also were discouraged and, while some were in favour of remaining in New Mexico, the majority clamoured to return to New Spain. In April, 1542, the homeward march was resumed. There remained in the country only Fray Juan de Padilla, a lay brother. Fray Luis, and a Portuguese soldier, Do- campo. Coronado reported to the Viceroy Mendoza, who was highly incensed at the failure of his plan to rid New S]5ain of undesirable elements. Although Coronado was not punisheil for what was looked upon as disobedience to orders, he fell into a mild chs- grace and died in comparative obscurity, leaving a widow and eight children. The reports on his expedition are of the greatest importance for the geog-
raphy, and more particularly ethnography, of the
south-western part of North America. They were
not so well appreciated at the time as they are now,
when the " March ' ' of Coronado is looked upon as one
of the most important explorations in America during
the sixteenth century.
For documentary material see Winship in Fourteenth An- nual Report of the U. S. Bureau of Ethnology (Washington, 1906), with Sp. texts and tr.; Idem, The Journey of Coronado in The Trailmakers (New York, 1904); Gomara, Historia gen- eral dc las Indias (Medina del Campo, 15.53): Oviedo, Historia general y natural (Madrid. l.S.jO): Herreha. Historia general
(Madrid. 16011; Muta Paiiilla. // , ' ■■ ;,, \ ,in<a Galida
(Mexn'o, 1S70, tliouirli written in 1,._ ;i >-, Coronado's March: Bani.ei.ier. //^fr-,,^/„<Y,„„ ( . ' ',,j the Seden-
tary Indians of Xew Mciicv: Idem, /; , ' . ■,, Ruins of the Pueblo of Pecos (Boston. 1883); Idem, Final Rrport (Boston, 1888 and 1890); Idem, Documentary History of Zuni.
Ad. F. Bandelier.
Coronation. — The subject will be treated under the following headings: (I) The Emperors at Con- stantinople; (II) Visigothic and Celtic Elements; (III) Tlie English Coronation Orders; (IV) The Western Empire and the Roman Pontifical; (V) Other Cere- monials.
I. The Emperors at Const.^ntinople. — "A cor- onation rite", it has been well said, "is ideally the process of the creation of the monarch, even though in course of time, through a change in the theory of succession, it may come to be rather the ratification of an accomplished fact than the means of its accom- plishment" (Brightman, Byzantine Coronations, 359). In the light of this very true remark it will be needful to trace the coronation ceremonies back to a time ear- lier than the introduction of any ecclesiastical ritual. Down to the reign of Constantine it may be said that coronation, properly speaking, there was none, for it was he who first brought the regal diadem into promi- nence. Yet certain features about the accession of the emperors in this early period deserve attention. In the first place, theoretically at least, the emperor was elected. Normally, the senate voted and the peo- ple, or more commonly the army, acclaimed and in that way ratified the choice. No doubt this procedure was often anticipated and the result was assured be- fore any forms were gone through. But the forms were not dispensed with, and even when the senate or the army had exercised an influence which was deci- sive, the people met and acclaimed in more or less formal comitia. In spite, however, of the principle of election, the emperor was often able to exercise a pre- dominant voice in the election of his successor or his colleague, as he coidd also create his wife "Augusta". At this period the more distinctive imperial insignia were "the purple", that is the pabulamentum (or chlamys) of the general in the field, emblematic of the supreme military authority, for the emperor was sole imperator; and secondly, the laurel wreath. The more or less violent clothing of the new emperor in the pnhidamentum often constituted a sort of investiture. On his part the promise of a largess to the soldiers, and sometimes to the people, became the equivalent of a formal acceptance of the election.
A new order of things was brought about by Con- stantine's a.ssimiption of the diadem (see Sickel. in Byzantinischc Zeitschrift, VII, 513-5.'54). Constan- tine wore it habitually during life {caput exornans per- peiuo iliitilenmte, says Aurelius Victor, Ep. Ix), and after death it adorned his corpse. In this way the diadem bec;une the primary sjniibol of sovereignty, but without at first any prescription of forms accord- ing to which it should be conferred. When Julian was proclaimed emperor by his troops in 360, they hoisted him standing upon a shield, a ceremony theyf seemed to ha\'c learned from the (lerman recruits in- their ranks, and then a st:ui(l;u-<l-l>earer took off th( torque, or gold ncckhice, which he wore anthset itupo) Julian's head. No other crowning seems to have takei place, but soon :ifter we find the emperor at Viennc
