fleet, its cruisers, in the Pacific Ocean. The imperialists intend to maintain their privileges in China, and hence we have such happenings.
2. A disintegration of the revolutionary forces is also to be feared, as well as a degeneration in the revolutionary camps.
A further danger consists in the possibility that the imperialists and militarists will again combine against the Canton groups.
In order to consolidate our already won victories, we must:
1. Develop the peasant movement broadly and lead it to a direct participation in the actual struggles.
2. Establish a united battle front of all classes for the national revolution, which includes the proletariat, peasantry, and the urban petty and middle bourgeoisie. Under certain conditions we can also work together with the that big bourgeoisie which has thus far held no relations with the imperialists, in connection with which we must, by all means, relentlessly expose its treacherous, compromising character,
3. Have the support of the West European proletariat which must prevent a free hand for the imperialists in suppressing and destroying the Chinese Revolution. A united revolutionary battlefront without the active support of the proletariat in the advanced countries, without the struggle of these proletariats against their own imperialisms, is hopeless. This is the kernel of Leninism on the national question, and is simultaneously one of the chief premises for the consolidation of the victory of the Chinese Revolution.
I shall now take up the chief aim of the Chinese Revolution and the relations between the Chinese Revolution and capitalist stabilization. At the present time the Chinese Revolution must set for itself the following aims:
1. Consequent emancipation from imperialism.
2. Complete destruction of the semi-feudal military
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