Page:Conspectus of the history of political parties and the federal government - Houghton - 1860.djvu/32

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CONSPECTUS OF THE HISTORY OF

The election of 1816.—At a Republican caucus, March 16th, 1816, two unsuccessful attempts were made “to pass a resolution declaring it inexpedient to make caucus nominations by members of Congress.” The practice had previously occasioned a defection among the Republicans, and now nineteen of the congressmen refused to participate in the proceedings. Monroe and Tompkins were nominated, by a vote which was declared unanimous. The Federals, coalescing with Clintonians, who repudiated caucus nominations, were without much strength; their candidates were Rufus King and John E. Howard.

Though the nomination of Monroe had been resisted on personal grounds, and because of “an unwillingness on the part of many that the ‘Virginia Dynasty’ should continue,” he, nevertheless, was elected by 183 votes against 34 cast for the Federalists.

Internal improvements were at first favored by Mr. Madison, but during his administration his mind underwent a change on the subject, and on the day before his retirement from office he vetoed a bill favoring such works. He did not think that the constitution authorized the government to them.


Monroe’s Administration.


Era of Good Feeling.—When Monroe’s administration began, the questions involved in the old controversy between the parties had ceased to have any practical significance. He adopted the doctrine of the new school of Republicans, of which Clay and Calhoun were leaders, and thus became acceptable to the Federalists, “who were gradually yielding to the liberal views of new generations of men.” The Clintonians and the friends of Crawford acquiesced in the decision of the last election, and “most of them signified their intention of supporting the administration.”

Wherever party differences existed, they were subsiding by degrees into calm serenity. The President visited the states, the summer after his inauguration, and the favorable greeting which he received, added to the political peace which the country enjoyed, caused it to be announced that the “Era of Good Feeling” had begun. By this designation the whole of Monroe’s administration is known, though it belongs more distinctly to the second term.

Jackson’s advice.—General Jackson, gratified at the auspicious circumstances attending Mr. Monroe, advised him as follows: “Now is the time to exterminate that monster, called party spirit. By selecting [for cabinet officers] characters most conspicuous for their probity, virtue, capacity, and firmness, without regard to party, you will go far to, if not entirely, eradicate those feelings, which, on former occasions, threw so many obstacles in the way of government. The chief magistrate of a great and powerful nation should never indulge in party feelings. His conduct should be liberal and disinterested; always bearing in mind, that he acts for the whole and not a part of the community.”

Mr. Monroe, believing that a free government can exist without parties, concurred generally in the views of Jackson, but thought that he could bring all the people quietly into the Republican fold, and at the same time let his administration rest strongly on that party. All of his cabinet members were Republicans.

Internal improvements.—In his inaugural address the President dwelt at length upon the subject of internal improvements. He believed that the government should encourage the system, but did not think Congress was clothed by the constitution with sufficient power to authorize measures supporting it. During the first session of the Fifteenth Congress, measures in the interest of internal improvements were earnestly discussed. A majority of the Republicans, headed by Henry Clay, were advocates of the system, but learning that the President would veto any bill in favor of such improvements, they gave the subject no further attention till the next session, when it was renewed under the pressure of petitions from several states. A bill for the repair and preservation of the Cumberland road was vetoed by the President, with the objection that the constitution would not authorize such legislation without an amendment to that effect.

The Florida cession.—The treaty ceding Florida to the United States, and concluded in 1819, provided that the latter, for the territory acquired, should give Spain $5,000,000 and the Federal claim to Texas.

To the purchase of Florida there was no opposition; but it was claimed that in acquiring Florida, Texas had been given away; that this relinquishment dismembered the Mississippi Valley; and that it would lead to a war for the establishment of boundaries. Though the treaty was denounced and the motives of its authors attacked, it was at last unanimously ratified by the Senate, and met with the approbation of the people.

The Missouri question.—When the bill to admit Missouri as a state into the Union had passed to its legislative stage Gen. Tallmadge, February, 1819, moved the following proviso: “And provided, That the further introduction of slavery or involuntary servitude, be prohibited except for the punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted and that all children born within the said state, after the admission thereof into the Union, shall be free at the age of twenty-five years.” This marks the beginning of the famous struggle between the free and the slave states. In the debate which ensued those opposing the proviso argued that Congress had no constitutional right to impose restrictions as to slavery upon a state wishing admittance into the Union; that the right to hold slaves was guaranteed to the original states by the constitution; and that the right applied to the new states as well as to the old. On the other hand, it was maintained that to leave slavery in the old states was a violation of principle, and to permit it in new ones was a violation of the constitution. During the discussion