has been noticed. In connection with this subject should be mentioned the bill passed by Ashley in March 1670, in obedience to popular outcry, against the practice of ‘spiriting away,’ or kidnapping, children for the colonies (Cal. State Papers, Col. Series, preface, p. 29).
In the Oxford parliament of 1665 Ashley strongly opposed Downing's appropriation proviso to the subsidy bill. The bill was already in the Lords, but at his instance (Clarendon, Life, pp. 792–803) a few of the chief advisers of the crown were summoned to reconsider it, when he ‘enforced the objections with great clearness and evidence of reason.’ The reasons do not appear; it was probably only to gratify the king that he took this line, supported for once by Clarendon, an unusual agreement noticed by Ruvigny. They differed widely, however, on the iniquitous Five Mile Act, which, with Southampton and Wharton, he vehemently opposed (Burnet, i. 390). In all questions of toleration Ashley was consistently upright. That he was now in favour at court is shown by the fact that in September 1665, while they were staying at Salisbury to be out of reach of the plague, Charles and the queen paid him a visit at St. Giles (Miscellanea Aulica, p. 361).
In June 1666 Ashley was again at Oxford, and while there first formed the acquaintance of Locke, who was studying medicine at Christ Church, and who accompanied him as medical attendant to Sunninghill, where he was obliged to take the waters in consequence of the internal swelling which resulted from the accident at Breda. Locke was now taken under Ashley's patronage, was made his secretary on becoming lord chancellor in 1672, and shortly afterwards secretary to the council of trade and plantations, of which Ashley was president from 1672 to 1676. He was tutor both to Ashley's son and grandson, and the friendship lasted until Shaftesbury's death. Locke's testimony is always favourable to Shaftesbury. Ashley now joined Buckingham in the most vehement support of the bill prohibiting the importation of Irish cattle; an act in direct contradiction to his former strongly expressed views on trade. The explanation least to his discredit is that the period was one of great agricultural depression in England, and that both Buckingham and Ashley were large landed proprietors (Pepys, 9 April 1667, 1 and 31 Jan. 1668). Carte speaks of a ‘private combination between Ashley and Lauderdale to monopolise the trade of cattle between England and Scotland’ (iv. 264). It is probable that it was but one way of expressing opposition to the high church-and-king party, of which Ormonde, who would have greatly benefited by the importation, was a leading member. Clarendon, indeed, states (Life, ii. 332) that Ashley was not ashamed to urge the accession of fortune to Ormonde as itself a good reason for supporting the bill; and Carte describes him (iv. 265) as doing his best in the committee of privileges to hinder the Irish nobility from taking rank in England. Still more strange was Ashley's conduct in opposing the admission into England of the charitable gifts sent from Ireland to London after the fire. The cattle bill gave rise to debates wherein Ormonde's son, Ossory, used expressions for which, on Ashley's complaint, the house compelled him to apologise (Carte, iv. 272). Carte also mentions a dispute with Conway during which the latter regretted that he had thus injured himself in Irish opinion, since he was so likely to be the next lord-lieutenant. Ashley, in reply, defended himself on the ground of the separation of the countries, expressed his extreme desire for legislative union, and by his professions of friendship to Ireland convinced Conway that his guess at Ashley's ambition was correct (ib. iv. 275). It was probably with reference to these affairs that Ashley wrote to Essex in December 1672: ‘My stars have not been very propitious as to Irish affairs or governors’ (Essex Papers, Brit. Mus.).
In May 1667, on the death of Southampton, the treasury was put in commission. Clarendon states that Charles was compelled to place Ashley upon it, but refused to make him one of the necessary quorum; and that Ashley chose to be thus slighted rather than dispute the point. The cause of Charles's dissatisfaction is not clear; but Pepys (16, 19 Jan. 1667) says that it was because Ashley would not obey his orders as to the disposal of prize goods. He soon, however, became the leading man upon the commission, and his efforts were apparently directed to economy; it is mentioned in especial that he was active in cutting off the customary presents of plate to the ambassadors (Christie, i. 308).
With the fall of Clarendon Ashley had apparently nothing directly to do. It cannot, indeed, have been displeasing to him, and we know that he was one of those who attended Lady Castlemaine's evenings, where the cabal against the minister was carried on. But Pepys (30 Dec. 1667) mentions Charles's anger with Ashley for his constancy to Clarendon, and the chancellor himself declares that Ashley opposed the impeachment; and there is plenty of further evidence practically conclusive on this point (ib. i. 312–13).
Upon Clarendon's fall the government fell
