Hewitt's plot, and in 1659, when Booth's rising took place, royalist agents reported that he was about to declare for the king. All these reports appear to have been unfounded. He refused a letter tendered to him from the king, and is said to have acquainted Cromwell with the overtures which had been made to him (Cal. Clarendon Papers, ii. 383, 426; Thurloe, iv. 434). Towards the end of the protectorate, however, the relations between Fairfax and Cromwell became extremely strained. A portion of the forfeited estates of George Villiers, second duke of Buckingham, had been granted to Fairfax in satisfaction of his arrears and his pension. Buckingham conceived the idea of recovering his estates by marrying the only daughter of Lord Fairfax. Mary Fairfax (b. 1638) had been contracted to Philip, second earl of Chesterfield, but the match was broken off, and on 15 Sept. 1657 she became the wife of Buckingham (Markham, p. 372). The marriage is said to have been arranged by Lady Vere, the mother of Lady Fairfax, and Major Robert Harley, a prominent presbyterian leader. The government regarded it with suspicion, partly as being ‘a presbyterian plot,’ and partly on account of Buckingham's past career as a royalist (Thurloe, vi. 617; Brian Fairfax, Life of Buckingham, prefixed to Arber's ed. of the Rehearsal, 1868, p. 6). A warrant was issued for Buckingham's arrest, and Fairfax vainly solicited Cromwell and the council to let him remain at liberty (Thurloe, vi. 580, 617, 648; Hist. MSS. Comm. 5th Rep. p. 177). In spite of the efforts of his father-in-law, Buckingham was imprisoned, and, though released on parole, did not permanently obtain his liberty till it was granted him by parliament on Fairfax giving bail for 20,000l. for the duke's good behaviour (Burton, Diary, iii. 370, 21 Feb. 1659). Fairfax was highly indignant at this affront, and is reported to have declared in private that ‘since the dissolving of the [Long] parliament, which was broke up wrongfully, there was nothing but shifting and a kind of confusion; and that he knew not but he might choose by his old commission as general to appear in arms on behalf of the people of these nations’ (Thurloe, vi. 706). In Richard Cromwell's parliament Fairfax represented Yorkshire, and though he spoke little exerted considerable influence. The only thing notable in his few recorded remarks is his expressed fear of military rule (Burton, iii. 140, 273). He sat next to Haslerig and voted regularly with the opposition. ‘He sides with the republicans, and carries a name above Lambert,’ writes one of Hyde's correspondents; while another adds that he was ‘extolled as a fortunate man, and not ambitious,’ and there was some thought of putting him forward again as general (Thurloe, vii. 616; Clarendon State Papers, iii. 423). Bordeaux in his despatches describes Fairfax as a leader of the presbyterian party (Guizot, Richard Cromwell, ed. 1856, i. 372, 450). On 19 May 1659 he was elected a member of the council of state, but never acted (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1658–9, p. 349). Fairfax's negotiations with Monck began in November 1659, immediately after the expulsion of the parliament by Lambert. They were conducted through two intermediaries, Edward Bowles and Sir Thomas Clarges [q. v.] From the first Fairfax designed not merely the restoration of the Rump, but the admission of the secluded members and a free parliament (Baker, Chronicle, continued by Phillips, 1670, pp. 690, 691; Fairfax Corresp. iv. 169). According to Clarendon he was moved to action by a letter from the king delivered to him by Sir Horatio Townshend (Rebellion, xvi. 117). Fairfax and his friends gathered in arms on 30 Dec., and on 1 Jan. York submitted to them. The same day Monck crossed the Tweed, and in consequence of their success was able to advance unopposed into England. Some of the supporters of Fairfax endeavoured to extract from the leader a declaration of adherence to the Rump, or at least an engagement against any single person, but he refused to give more than a general promise to support the authority of parliament. When Monck passed through York (12–17 Jan.), Fairfax urged him to declare for a free parliament and for the king. Monck refused to commit himself, and in order to force his hand Fairfax originated and sent to him (10 Feb. 1660) the declaration of the Yorkshire gentlemen, demanding either the restoration of the secluded members or a free parliament. These dates show conclusively the influence exercised by Fairfax in bringing about the Restoration, and the tenacity with which he pursued that object (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1659–60, pp. 288, 293–6, 356; Kennett, Register, pp. 13, 19, 22; Fairfax Corresp. iv. 170). Nevertheless, Fairfax does not seem to have desired to restore the king without conditions. The royalists believed him to be entirely their own, when they were startled by hearing that he had joined Lord Manchester's party, which wished to oblige Charles to accept the terms offered to his party at Newport (Clarendon State Papers, iii. 721, 729). But all plans of this nature were frustrated by the conduct of Monck. Fairfax sat in the interim council of state (3 March 1660, Cal. State Papers, Dom.
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