ing place in the Protector's court (ib. iv. 406). He was appointed also one of the major-generals, having under his charge the counties of Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, Oxford, Cambridge, Huntingdon, and Buckingham, but seems usually to have exercised his functions through a deputy. Fleetwood approved of the exclusion of those who refused to sign a recognition of the protectorate from the parliament of 1656, and though he opposed the proposal to make Cromwell king accepted willingly the rest of the articles of the petition and advice (Ludlow, pp. 222, 225; Thurloe, vi. 219, 244, 281, 310). He took his seat in the new House of Lords, believing that the revised constitution would secure the desired settlement, and was deeply disappointed at the breach which followed (Thurloe, vi. 752, 840). He advocated the speedy summons of another parliament, and was one of the committee of nine appointed to consider the necessary measures (ib. vii. 192). In foreign as well as domestic policy Fleetwood, moved by his strong religious sympathies, was in complete accord with Cromwell. He was inclined to believe that the latter was ‘particularly raised up’ to be a shelter to poor persecuted protestants in foreign parts, and held ‘the cause of the protestant interest against the common enemy’ to be the supreme interest of England (ib. iii. 468, vii. 190). So for public, as well as for personal, reasons Fleetwood watched with anxiety Cromwell's last illness, and lamented his death. ‘There is none,’ he wrote, ‘but are deeply concerned in this that have a true love to this blessed cause.’ ‘His heart was full of love to the interest of the Lord's people, and made everything else bow down unto it’ (ib. vii. 355, 375). Fleetwood's position as head of the army and this thorough agreement with Cromwell's views lend some plausibility to the story that Cromwell once designed Fleetwood to succeed him. It is stated that the Protector some time before his death nominated Fleetwood in writing as his successor; but that the document was lost or destroyed (Baker, Chronicle, ed. Phillips, 1670, p. 653; Bates, Elenchus, ed. 1685, pt. ii. pp. 236, 242). If a protector were to be chosen other than one of Cromwell's sons, no one had stronger claims than Fleetwood. He was the officer highest in rank in the armies of the three kingdoms. The military services of Lambert and Harrison might have made them dangerous rivals, but both had been distinguished by their opposition to the existing government, and neither was at present a member of the army. Fleetwood's connection with the Cromwell family furnished a guarantee to the adherents of Cromwell, and he was at the same time trusted by the extreme sectaries. These reasons induced the discontented officers to put him forward as their leader in the attempt to render the army independent of the civil power. Fleetwood took part in the elevation of Richard Cromwell, presented the address in which the army declared their resolution to support him, and wrote to Henry Cromwell expressing his joy at his brother's peaceable accession (Thurloe, vii. 405). The first movement came from the superior officers of the army, who early in October 1659 met and drew up an address demanding that a general should be appointed, and that in future no officer should be cashiered without a council of war. The Protector refused these demands, pointing out that he had already made Fleetwood lieutenant-general of all the army, and so by consequence commander-in-chief under himself (ib. vii. 436, 449, 452). Fleetwood was suspected of instigating these petitions, and the responsibility which he incurred by permitting them was clearly pointed out to him by Henry Cromwell. He endeavoured to vindicate himself, and based his defence on the necessity of preserving ‘the honest interest’ in the army (ib. pp. 454, 500).
In February 1659 the officers assembled again, and entered into communication with the republican party in the House of Commons. They intended to present a petition, but their own dissensions and Fleetwood's reluctance to press matters to extremity prevented the plan from being carried out (Guizot, Richard Cromwell, i. 304–6; Clarendon Papers, iii. 430, 432; Thurloe, vii. 612–18). The attacks of parliament upon the soldiers who had been Cromwell's instruments led to a fresh meeting in April, ending in the presentation of ‘the Humble Representation of 6 April, which insisted in strong terms on the danger of the good old cause’ from the intrigues of the cavaliers. The Protector, backed by parliament, ordered these meetings of officers to be brought to an end, but Fleetwood now placed himself at the head of the movement, refused to obey the Protector's orders, and by a military demonstration forced him to dissolve parliament (22 April 1659).
In thus acting Fleetwood's conduct was dictated, not by hostility to the Protector, but by hostility to his parliament. Immediately after the dissolution he had a long interview with Richard Cromwell, and made him large promises of support (Guizot, i. 372; Baker, Chronicle, p. 660). Fleetwood, Desborough, and most of the Wallingford House party were anxious to patch up an agreement with the Protector, while the subordinate officers were eager for a common-
