ment by ‘traversing and opposing the commands of the king's council’ (Fountainhall, Historical Notices, p. 388). Fountainhall mentions that in the discussion which then took place there was ‘much transport, flame, and humour,’ and that on Sir John alleging that the people in Galloway were turned orderly and loyal, Claverhouse answered ‘there were as many elephants’ (the first specimen brought to Scotland was then being exhibited in Edinburgh) ‘and crocodiles as loyal and regular persons there’ (ib. p. 389). Sir John afterwards complained that during the proceedings Claverhouse had in the hearing of several persons offered to give him a box on the ear (Napier, ii. 309). The consideration of the case was several times adjourned; but though all the forms were scrupulously observed it was inevitable that it should go against Dalrymple. On 12 July 1683 the council, while they specially thanked Claverhouse for his services, expressing at the same time their surprise that ‘he not being a lawyer had walked so warily in so irregular a country’ (Fountainhall, p. 416), found Dalrymple guilty in substance of all the charges against him, and besides inflicting on him a fine of 500l. committed him to prison during the council's pleasure. The power of the Dalrymples was thus completely broken; the father took refuge in Holland, and the son, after remaining in durance for three years, took to heart the lessons of adversity, and for a time made friends ‘with the mammon of unrighteousness.’
Shortly after the disposal of the Dalrymple dispute Claverhouse set out on 1 March 1683 to visit the king at Newmarket. A great part of the time there was occupied with ‘cockfighting and courses’ (Claverhouse to Queensberry, 9 March 1683, in Napier, ii. 314), but the main object of the visit was business rather than pleasure. The principal supporters of Charles in Scotland deemed the time opportune for some special recognition of their services, and Claverhouse, who, besides his social talents, had the qualification of special influence with the Duke of York, was entrusted with the representation of their interests at court. He discharged his mission with his accustomed thoroughness, and with remarkable diplomatic skill. It had chiefly reference to the division of the spoils consequent upon the ruin of the Lauderdale family for tampering with the coinage. Though the decision against them had not been arrived at before he set out, it was regarded as inevitable, and Claverhouse, with the Earl of Aberdeen and the Marquis of Queensberry, had privately arranged matters on this supposition. Queensberry, lately created marquis, was ambitious for the higher dignity of duke; Huntly coveted a similar honour; Aberdeen wished a gift of 20,000l. (deposition of Claverhouse in Napier, ii. 321–4); and the desires of Claverhouse were fixed on the lands of Dudhope, adjoining his own property, with the constabulary and other jurisdictions of Dundee. He held long consultations with the Duke of York in regard to these proposals (see amusing details in his letters, Napier, ii. 329–38), and when he left for Scotland in the middle of May was confident that all his recommendations would ultimately be adopted. He himself received 4,000l. out of the fines of the Lauderdales, and after some litigation came into the possession of the estate of Dudhope, notwithstanding that the Earl of Aberdeen by a private bargain with Lauderdale threatened to frustrate his hopes. The king had in fact to interpose on his behalf, and ‘clogged’ the remission to Lauderdale with the condition that he should perfect his disposition to Claverhouse. Meanwhile, immediately after his return to Scotland, Claverhouse was admitted a member of the privy council, and henceforth had a more direct part in shaping the policy of the government against the covenanters. As the result of private representations made by him to the king at Newmarket, a letter was addressed by Charles in April to the council, appointing Claverhouse to go along with the justices during their whole progress, and command the forces, except at places where the commander-in-chief himself should be present.
During a temporary lull in the struggle with the covenanters Claverhouse was on 10 June 1684 married to Jean, daughter of William, lord Cochrane, son of the earl of Dundonald. The family had presbyterian connections, the old Earl of Dundonald being actually at that very time under threats of prosecution for harbouring fugitive rebels on his lands. While the proposed alliance therefore was at once turned to account by the enemies of Claverhouse, whose jealousy was aroused by the recent rise in his fortunes and his evident influence at court, it awakened also some uneasiness among his friends. He thought it advisable to assure Queensberry, whom perhaps he was in doubt whether to reckon a friend or an enemy, ‘that it is not in the power of love nor any other folly to alter my loyalty’ (ii. 389). ‘I may cure,’ he writes, ‘people guilty of that plague of presbytery by conversing with them, but cannot be infected, and I see very little of that amongst these persons but may be easily rubbed off, and for the young lady herself I shall answer for her’ (ii. 390).
On Sunday, 8 June, two days before the mar-
