cretary of state for the southern department in the place of Sir Charles Hedges, and the final breach between the ministry and the hiqh tories was shortly afterwards significantly marked by the expulsion of Buckingham, Nottingham, Rochester, and others from the privy council. The ministry as now constituted, consisting both of whigs and tories, was agreed on one point only, namely, the prosecution of the war, and its very existence was dependent on the royal favour. This favour had hitherto been bestowed upon the Churchills, but Harley now endeavoured to undermine their influence with the queen. While pretending to be cordially working with Marlborough and Godolphin, he secretly did his best to inflame the queen against the policy of her ministers, and, with the aid of his cousin, Abigail Hill (afterwards Lady Masham), he succeeded in convincing her that the church was in danger and that the tories alone could save it from destruction. On the appointment of Dr. Blackall and Sir William Dewes to the bishoprics of Exeter and Chester, Godolphin taxed Harley with having secretly instigated the queen to make those appointments without consulting the ministry. This Harley denied, and the queen herself in a letter to Marlborough declared that it was 'so far from being true that he [Harley] knew nothing of it till it was the talk of the town' (Stanhope, Anne) p. 316). Marlborough and Godolphin, however, continued to have their suspicions of Harley's good faith, and the whigs resolved to oust him from office. In January 1708 William Gregg, a clerk in Harley's office, was arrested on the charge of entering into a treasonable correspondence with M. Chamillard, the French minister. At the time Harley's own fidelity to his allegiance was openly doubted by the whigs, but there is no evidence that he was guilty of any greater offence than that of culpable negligence in allowing the most confidential documents under his care to be accessible to the underlings of the office. Gregg was found guilty on his own confession, but the committee of the seven whig lords who examined him while under sentence in Newgate failed to obtain any proofs of Harley's disloyalty, and Gregg immediately before his execution delivered a statement to the sheriffs in which he declared that Harley had no knowledge, either directly or indirectly, of his treasonable correspondence with France. Though Harley's character was thus cleared, Godolphin and Marlborough had made up their minds that he must be dismissed. The queen was reluctant to part with her secret and confidential adviser, and they iccordingly absented themselves from the cabinet council on 8 Feb. 1708, having previously informed her that while Harley continued in office they could take no further part in the administration. When Harley, therefore, in their absence opened some business relating to foreign affairs, the Duke of Somerset observed that 'he did not see how they could deliberate on such matters since the general was not with them' (Burnet, Hist. of his own Time, iv. 354). With this opinion the other ministers silently agreed, and, leaving their business undone, the council broke up. On the following day Harley pressed the queen to accept his resignation, to which course she reluctantly consented on the llth. Though removed from office, Harley still retained the confidence of the queen, with whom he kept in constant communication through the medium of Mrs. Masham. His ceaseless intrigues against his former colleagues, owing to the overbearing conduct of the whigs at court, and the ill-advised prosecution of Sacheverell speedily bore fruit. In April 1710 the final interview between Mrs. Morley and Mrs. Freeman took place. A few days later Shrewsbury, who was well known to have a secret understanding with Harley, was appointed lord chamberlain, on 13 June Sunderland was dismissed, and on 8 Aug. Godolphin received a letter from Anne desiring him to break his staff of office. On the 10th the treasury was put into commission, with John, earl Poulett, as its nominal head, and Harley, one of the commissioners, was appointed chancellor of the exchequer.
Harley, who was now practically in the position of prime minister, endeavoured at first to effect a combination with those whigs who still retained office. He assured them that 'there was a whig game intended at bottom,' though he failed to give them any vary intelligible explanation of what he meant by that assurance. Failing in this endeavour he fell back wholly on the tories, and, having induced the queen to dissolve parliament, formed an entirely tory ministry, consisting of Rochester, St. John, and Harcourt and others, and drew up his 'plan of administration,' which is dated 30 Oct. 1710 (Hardwicke, Misc. State Papers, ii. 485-8).
At the polling booths the tories obtained a large majority, and Harley, feeling secure in power, was not long before he opened secret negotiations for peace with the court of Versailles, employing as his agent a priest named Gaultier, who had formerly served as chaplain to Marshal Tallard during his embassy to England, and was an enthusiastic supporter of the Pretender's cause. Meanwhile he called in the assistance of the press. He instructed Defoe to expatiate in the pages
