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mediate proclamation of liberty of worship (C. J. Fox, Appendix, xxiv). In Scotland parliament annexed the excise to the crown for ever, and voted James a revenue exceeding by nearly one-third that enjoyed by his brother (March and April) (Lingard, x. 66). The bestowal in Ireland of a regiment upon the catholic Talbot (April), in defiance of the Test Act, appears to have excited definite apprehensions (Fox, lxvi–vii).

The ministerial changes made by James within the first fortnight of his reign seemed even less significant than they were. Rochester, who was made lord treasurer, and who with Godolphin and Sunderland formed the inner cabinet, was the favourite of the church party. Although (12 Feb.) the king illegally declared his intention of levying the customs duties on his own authority, the convenience of the professedly temporary encroachment recommended it to the mercantile community. When parliament met on 19 May it contained an overwhelming tory majority. A revenue equal to that of Charles was at once settled on the king for life, certain additional taxes being imposed at his request, and, though the committee of religion passed a resolution calling upon him to execute the penal laws against nonconformists, it was revoked when it was understood to be offensive to him (Macaulay, i. 514). Probably public feeling had been further gratified by certain reforms in the condition of the court, which were facilitated by the banishment of the Duchess of Portsmouth. The attempt made by James at the same time to dismiss his own mistress, Catharine Sedley, failed (Venetian despatch in Les derniers Stuarts, ii. 19). James, although economical, received ambassadors with more dignity than Charles, and gratified English pride by asserting his equality with the king of France on ceremonial occasions (Klopp, iii. 30–1; cf. Burnet, iii. 12).

The crucial question in foreign affairs was that of the French alliance. Charles had become weary of Barillon's influence. James was in a more independent position. His first communication to the ambassador was his intention to summon a parliament, but he avowed his continued adhesion to the alliance with Louis. Louis had transmitted the arrears (five hundred thousand livres) due to Charles; according to Barillon, James received the sum with tears, and sent Churchill as ambassador to Paris to ask for more. But Louis, on hearing of the summoning of parliament, repented (Klopp, iii. 13, citing Mazure, ii. 43), and, though a fund four times as large had been entrusted to Barillon, rarely allowed him to use any part of it. Louis was no doubt disturbed by the efforts of the Prince of Orange to keep up friendly relations with his father-in-law. James met these overtures halfway, and William in return consented to receive Skelton as ambassador, and sent Monmouth away from the Hague. The general impression that a complete reconciliation had taken place between them (Dalrymple, ii. 142–4; cf. Klopp, ii. 20–1) induced Spain and the emperor to attempt to gain the confidence of James, who was still demanding money while failing to break with William. This double position and the loyalty of his parliament seem for a moment to have suggested to James II the thought of playing the part of general pacificator of Europe (Count Thun ap. Klopp, i. 37–8). In return Louis drew the pursestrings tight (C. J. Fox, Appendix, xcv, xcvii–viii). The loyal conduct of William of Orange during Monmouth's rebellion led to the formal renewal of the old treaties between England and the United Provinces (August), though there never was any question of James joining a coalition against France (Burnet, iii. 20; cf. Macaulay, ii. 2). Louis's disputes with Pope Innocent XI contributed to the coolness. After 1 Nov. 1685 Barillon's payments, which had amounted to 60,000l., ceased altogether (C. J. Fox, Appendix, cxxi; cf. Lingard, x. 65).

In spite of the landing of Argyll (14 May) and of Monmouth (11 June), the loyalty of parliament remained unimpaired. James, as a matter of course, assented to the bill of attainder against his nephew, while an extraordinary vote of supply and a bill for the preservation of the king's person were also passed. Parliament was prorogued 2 July, and four days later the insurrection came to an end at Sedgemoor. James has been accused of inhumanity for granting the captive Monmouth an interview without intending to pardon him (Macaulay, i. 616; but see Life, i. 34–5). It was thought that the publication by his orders of the narrative of Monmouth's capture and execution proved the truth of the saying, that, ‘though it was in his power, it was not in his nature to pardon’ (Dalrymple, i. 146). The cruel treatment of the rebels bears more heavily upon him. His satisfaction in the Bloody Assizes (The Western Martyrology, 5th edit. 1705) was proved by the elevation of Jeffreys to the lord chancellorship, and by remarks in his letters to William of Orange (10 and 24 Sept., Dalrymple, ii. 53). The executions in London and the general rigour with which the penal laws were enforced against protestant nonconformists spread the terror beyond the seat of the rebellion. But there are few signs of