garian frontier, and they would have made sacrifices so that the Polish Crown and our own might be placed upon the same head. At the same time Germany would be strengthened by the fact that this agreement would make any friction within the Coalition impossible.
I also considered co-operation necessary, because it was obvious to me that the war would not be changed into a permanent peace by mutual pacification of the two groups of states. And I also considered it necessary because I did not think that the protection of the results which had been achieved could be safeguarded without an alliance. After the war, which demanded such terrible sacrifices, we would not have been able to solve the problems of internal restoration even in case of victory by ourselves. It would have been impossible to look to our vanquished enemies for support, so that we were anyhow dependent upon one another. The problem that was before us was quite clear to me. The fundamental principles of my policy were always these: it was our duty to represent mutual pacification, peace and the interests of mutual understanding within the alliance, and to secure the peace which was based upon supremacy by the creation of constant institutions which would render the peace permanently secure. I always saw our duty in the fart that we had to negotiate between Western and Eastern Europe and thereby prepare mutual understanding. This part would have been easier to play because Poland was at heart always Francophile, and I can assert with pride that we Hungarians entertained, neither before nor during the war, any hatred against our enemies.
