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arise out of that property; neither has that government cognizance of any thing but property.
But the case is totally different with respect to the institution of civil government, organized on the system of representation. Such a government has cognizance of every thing and of every man as a member of the national society, whether he has property or no; and therefore the principle requires that every man, and every kind of right be represented, of which the right to acquire and to hold property is but one, and that not of the most essential kind. The protection of a man's person is more sacred than the protection of property; and besides this, the faculty of performing any kind of work or service by which he acquires a livelihood, or mantains his fmaily, is of the nature of property. It is property to him; he has acquired; it and it is as much the object of his protection, as exterior property, possessed without that faculty, can be the object of protection to another person.
I have always believed that the best security for property, be it much or little, is to remove from every part of the community, as far as can possibly done, every cause of complaint, and every motive to violence; and this can only be done by an equality of rights. When rights are secure, property is secure in consequence. But when property is made a pretence for unequal or exclusive rights, it weakens the right to hold the property, and provokes indignation and tumult; for it is unnatural to believe that property can be secure under the guarantee of a society injured in its rights by the influence of that property.
Next to the injustice andd ill-policy of making property
