of these are the Kansas Wesleyan University (Methodist Episcopal,
1886) at Salina and Baker University (Methodist Episcopal, 1858) at
Baldwin. Among the many smaller colleges are Washburn College
(Congregational, 1869) at Topeka, the South-west Kansas College
(Methodist Episcopal, opened 1886) at Winfield, the College of Emporia
(Presbyterian, 1883) at Emporia, Bethany College (Lutheran,
1881) at Lindsborg, Fairmount College (non-sectarian, 1895) at Wichita,
St Mary’s College (Roman Catholic, 1869) at St Mary’s, and Ottawa
University (Baptist, 1865) at Ottawa. At Topeka is the College of
the Sisters of Bethany (Protestant Episcopal, 1861) for women.
There are also various small professional schools and private normal
schools. An industrial school for Indian children is maintained by
the United States near Lawrence (Haskell Institute, 1884). Among
the state charitable and reformatory institutions are state hospitals
for the insane at Topeka and Osawatomie and a hospital for epileptics
at Parsons; industrial reform schools for girls at Beloit, for boys at
Topeka, and for criminals under twenty-five at Hutchinson; a
penitentiary at Lansing; a soldiers’ orphans’ home at Atchison and
a soldiers’ home at Dodge City; and schools for feeble-minded youth
at Winfield, for the deaf at Olathe, and for the blind at Kansas
City. These institutions are under the supervision of a state board
of control. The state contributes also to many institutions on a
private basis. Most of the counties maintain poor farms and
administer outdoor relief, and some care for insane patients at the
cost of the state.
History.—The territory now included in Kansas was first visited by Europeans in 1541, when Francisco de Coronado led his Spaniards from New Mexico across the buffalo plains in search of the wealth of “Quivira,” a region located by Bandelier and other authorities in Kansas north-east of the Great Bend of the Arkansas. Thereafter, save for a brief French occupation, 1719–1725, and possibly slight explorations equally inconsequential, Kansas remained in undisturbed possession of the Indians until in 1803 it passed to the United States (all save the part west of 100° long. and south of the Arkansas river) as part of the Louisiana Purchase. The explorations for the United States of Z. M. Pike (1807) and S. H. Long (1819) tended to confirm old ideas of sandy wastes west of the Mississippi. But with the establishment of prairie commerce to Santa Fé (New Mexico), the waves of emigration to the Mormon land and to California, the growth of traffic to Salt Lake, and the explorations for a transcontinental railway, Kansas became well known, and was taken out of that mythical “Great American Desert,” in which, thanks especially to Pike and to Washington Irving, it had been supposed to lie. The trade with Santa Fé began about 1804, although regular caravans were begun only about 1825. This trade is one of the most picturesque chapters in border history, and picturesque in retrospect, too, is the army of emigrants crossing the continent in “prairie schooners” to California or Utah, of whom almost all went through Kansas.
But this movement of hunters, trappers, traders, Mormons, miners and homeseekers left nothing to show of settlement in Kansas, for which, therefore, the succession of Territorial governments organized for the northern portion of the Louisiana Purchase had no real significance. Before 1854 Kansas was an Indian land, although on its Indian reservations (created in its east part for eastern tribes removed thither after 1830) some few whites resided: missionaries, blacksmiths, agents, farmers supposed to teach the Indians agriculture, and land “squatters,”—possibly 800 in all. Fort Leavenworth was established in 1827, Fort Scott in 1842, Fort Riley in 1853. There were Methodist (1829), Baptist, Quaker, Catholic and Presbyterian missions active by 1837. Importunities to Congress to institute a Territorial government began in 1852. This was realized by the Kansas-Nebraska Bill of 1854.
By that Act Kansas (which from 1854 to 1861 included a large part of Colorado) became, for almost a decade, the storm centre of national political passion, and her history of prime significance in the unfolding prologue of the Civil War. Despite the Missouri Compromise, which had prohibited slavery in the Louisiana Purchase N. of 36° 30′ N. lat. (except in Missouri), slaves were living at the missions and elsewhere, among Indians and whites, in 1854. The “popular sovereignty” principle of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill involved a sectional struggle for the new Territory. Time showed that the winning of Kansas was a question of the lightest-footed immigrant. Slaveholders were not footloose; they had all to lose if they should carry their blacks into Kansas and should nevertheless fail to make it a slave-state. Thus the South had to establish slavery by other than actual slaveholders, unless Missouri should act for her to establish it. But Missouri did not move her slaves; while her vicinity encouraged border partisans to seek such establishment even without residence—by intimidation, election frauds and outrage. This determined at once the nature of the Kansas struggle and its outcome; and after the South had played and lost in Kansas, “the war for the Union caught up and nationalized the verdict of the Territorial broil.”
In the summer of 1854 Missouri “squatters” began to post claims to border lands and warn away intending anti-slavery settlers. The immigration of these from the North was fostered in every way, notably through the New England Emigrant Aid Company (see Lawrence, A. A.), whose example was widely imitated. Little organized effort was made in the South to settle the Territory; Lawrence (Wakarusa) and Topeka, free-state centres, and Leavenworth, Lecompton and Atchison, pro-slavery towns, were among those settled in 1854.
At the first election (Nov. 1854), held for a delegate to Congress, some 1700 armed Missourians invaded Kansas and stuffed the ballot boxes; and this intimidation and fraud was practised on a much larger scale in the election of a Territorial legislature in March 1855. The resultant legislature (at Pawnee, later at Shawnee Mission) adopted the laws of Missouri almost en bloc, made it a felony to utter a word against slavery, made extreme pro-slavery views a qualification for office, declared death the penalty for aiding a slave to escape, and in general repudiated liberty for its opponents. The radical free-state men thereupon began the importation of rifles. All criticism of this is inconsequent; “fighting gear” was notoriously the only effective asset of Missourians in Kansas, every Southern band in Kansas was militarily organized and armed, and the free-state men armed only under necessity. Furthermore, a free-state “government” was set up, the “bogus” legislature at Shawnee being “repudiated.” Perfecting their organization in a series of popular conventions, they adopted (Dec. 1855) the Topeka Constitution—which declared the exclusion of negroes from Kansas—elected state officials, and sent a contestant delegate to Congress. The Topeka “government” was simply a craftily impressive organization, a standing protest. It met now and then, and directed sentiment, being twice dispersed by United States troops; but it passed no laws, and did nothing that conflicted with the Territorial government countenanced by Congress. On the other hand, the laws of the “bogus” legislature were generally ignored by the free-state partisans, except in cases (e.g. the service of a writ) where that was impossible without apparent actual rebellion against the authority of the legislature, and therefore of Congress.
Meanwhile the “border war” began. During the (almost bloodless) “Wakarusa War” Lawrence was threatened by an armed force from Missouri, but was saved by the intervention of Governor Shannon. Up to this time the initiative and the bulk of outrages lay assuredly heavily on the pro-slavery side; hereafter they became increasingly common and more evenly divided. In May 1856 another Missouri force entered Lawrence without resistance, destroyed its printing offices, wrecked buildings and pillaged generally. This was the day before the assault on Charles Sumner (q.v.) in the Senate of the United States. These two outrages fired Northern passion and determination. In Kansas they were a stimulus to the most radical elements. Immediately after the sack of Lawrence, John Brown and a small band murdered and mutilated five pro-slavery men, on Pottawatomie Creek; a horrible deed, showing a new spirit on the free-state side, and of ghastly consequence—for it contributed powerfully to widen further the licence of highway robbery, pillage and arson, the ruin of homes, the driving off of settlers, marauding expeditions, attacks on towns, outrages in short of every kind, that made the following months a welter of lawlessness and crime, until Governor Geary—by putting himself above all partisanship, repudiating Missouri, and using Federal troops—put
