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ENGLISH HISTORY
1023


Other Anxieties.

declined to recognize any union of the police. There was a strike of Lancashire operative cotton-spinners in September against the advice of their union, but the men returned to work on an appeal by Mr. Lloyd George, who promised to appoint at once a tribunal of inquiry. The tribunal allowed an increase of wages, but rejected the men's claim to decide the nature of their un- employment benefit. The most serious strike was that of railway men, especially in the South Wales district, in the same month. There was a dispute as to the extent of the advance to be granted in wages, and the National Union of Railwaymen and the War Cabinet agreed upon a certain scale. But the men threw over their leaders, and were only brought to reason when the Courts prohibited the unions from paying strike pay to their members. Mr. J. H. Thomas resigned the secretaryship of the National Union, and was only induced to return after a while on a promise of better observance of discipline. These and other less important strikes caused the Trade Union Congress at Derby to impress upon trade unions the desirability of a frank acceptance of the Whitley Report and joint industrial councils.

Other causes of anxiety of the autumn were a severe attack of influenza, which spread rapidly from July onwards, caused the weekly death roll by the end of October to rise in London to 761, and in 96 great towns to 1,895, and only began to wane in November; a great deficiency in coal which led to household rationing, and to great economies in lighting and heating arrangements by municipalities and other public bodies; a reduction in the meat ration; and the sufferings of the British prisoners in Germany, and her delay in ratifying the Hague agreement for reciprocal return of prisoners which had been negotiated by Sir George Cave and Lord Newton.

But from the end of September onwards the persistent and accumulating good news from every seat of war gradually changed the attitude of the country from one of anx- The Begin- j e ty (- o one o f increasingly hopeful expectation. In opening a war bond campaign at the Guildhall on Sept. 30, Mr. Bonar Law concluded his speech with a new accent: " I do not say that this is the end, but I do say that this is the beginning of the end." For the purpose of the appeal Trafalgar Square was turned into a realistic representa- tion of a shell-shattered French village. The " Feed the Guns " week, which was started by the opening of this show on Oct. 7, was all the more successful, as President Wilson was already in correspondence with the Central Powers as to the general prin- ciples on which peace could be based. By the time that Nov. Q, Lord Mayor's Day, came round, terms of armistice, amounting in effect to surrender, had been handed by Marshal Foch and Adml. Wemyss to a German delegation, and the news of their accept- ance was hourly expected. The Lord Mayor's Show, with tanks and captured guns, and detachments of British, Imperial and Allied troops and of Women's Auxiliary Corps, typified the magnificent effort of the Empire now being crowned with victory; but on that. Saturday evening the Prime Minister could only say at the Guildhall banquet, " I have no news for you."

It was on Monday morning, Nov. u, at n o'clock, that the bursting of maroons announced to London that the Armistice had been signed, that hostilities had ceased, and that the war > ' n a ^ human probability, was over. Almost in- stantly crowds poured into the streets, flags and decora- tive rugs and tapestries were hung out of windows throughout the centre of the town, from public offices and private houses, and a great throng assembled at Buckingham Palace to cheer the King, who appeared with the Queen on the balcony, and showed how fully he shared the rejoicings of his subjects. The scenes of enthusiasm and public jubilation in the streets throughout the day were indescribable. When the House of Commons met, the Prime Minister read out the terms of the Armistice, and added, " This is no time for words. Our hearts are too full of gratitude, to which no tongue can give adequate expression." Immediately the two Houses of Parliament, led by the Lord Chancellor and the Speaker, proceeded to St. Margaret's church to give thanks to God. Next day the King and Queen attended a special service of thanksgiving at St. Paul's. The general rejoicings lasted

The

Armistice.

throughout the week. Before Parliament was prorogued both Houses voted addresses of congratulation to the King, which were presented to him in the Royal Gallery of the Palace of Westminster; and His Majesty, recalling the splendid services of the sailors and soldiers from all parts of his Dominions, pledged himself anew to uphold the honour of the Empire and to promote the well-being of the people. Before the month was out, in accordance with the terms of the Armistice, the German sub- marines came and surrendered off Harwich, and the main German fleet, battleships, battle cruisers, light cruisers and destroyers, steamed into the Firth of Forth and there surrendered to Adml. Beatty. It was a fitting tribute to the sea-power which had been the main factor in deciding the issue.

IV. AFTER THE WAR, 1918-21

The conclusion of hostilities was immediately followed by the prorogation and dissolution of Parliament and a general election. Though protests were raised in some quar- ters, especially by the Independent Liberals, this ^^^ of was quite the natural procedure. Under the Parlia- Dec. 1918. ment Act, the now expiring Parliament should have been dissolved three years previously, in Dec. 1915, and its life had only been prolonged from time to time by special Acts in order to avoid an election during the war. A Reform bill which enormously enlarged the electorate, adding two million male and six million female voters, had been passed in Feb., and it was right, and in accordance with precedent, that the new constituency should be consulted at the earliest moment compatible with national safety. It was evident that the Government to whom the new Parliament should give its confidence would go to the Peace Conference with its hands strengthened.

Was the Coalition to continue? The two heads of the Govern- ment, the Prime Minister, Mr. Lloyd George, and Mr. Bonar Law, the leader of the Unionists, decided, to the pub- lic satisfaction, that it should, on the ground that it continued. would be disastrous to deal on party lines with the peace negotiations and the problems of reconstruction. They issued a joint appeal for support to the Coalition Government " in the execution of a policy devised in the interest of no particular class or section, but, so far as our light serves us, for the furtherance of the general good. " They asked the nation to preserve the same unity in peace that it had manifested in war. They promised, among other things, to promote disarmament and a league of nations; to take special care of the soldiers and sailors who had served in the war; to increase production, especially in agri- culture; to forward housing, afforestation, and transport; to give a preference to the colonies, and to preserve key industries at home; to reform the House of Lords; to develop responsible government in India; and to explore all paths towards a settle- ment in Ireland, with the provisos that there must be no separa- tion and no coercion of Ulster. One element of the Coalition, the Labour party, had determined to secede; and accordingly Mr. Clynes, Mr. Hodge and Mr. Brace resigned, though Mr. Barnes preferred to leave his party and remain in the Government, and Mr. George Roberts accepted Mr. Clynes's post of Food Con- troller. The Labour party made great preparations to capture a large number of constituencies, but they committed the mistake of adopting among their candidates those Labour leaders who had opposed the national policy and had been notorious pacifists, as well as those who represented the patriotic majority. This attitude helped to increase the electoral support of the National Democratic party, who favoured the claims of Labour but ap- proved of the Coah'tion. The Liberal party were divided. Those who had hitherto regularly supported Mr. Lloyd George were prepared to continue their support; but Mr. Asquith and those of his colleagues who had resigned with him, and a large section of the party, declined to commit themselves to any further support, and stood as Independent Liberals. In these circum- stances, the Government asked for a pledge of support from candidates, and refused to assist those who declined to give it. The certificate that the pledge had been given was commonly called a " coupon, " and was the subject of indignant protest by