opened with great eclat in the spring by the King in person, who adjured Irishmen to " forgive and forget." The words chimed in with a great yearning in the public mind for peace. Mr. Lloyd George seized the occasion, asked Mr. De Valera, the Sinn Fein leader, and Sir James Craig, the Ulster Prime Minister, to come and see him, and a truce to bloodshed was arranged pending negotiations. Mr. Lloyd George's subsequent offer of " Dominion Home Rule," with certain safeguards, the Sinn Fein rejections of it during August and September, and its acceptance in De- cember, are dealt with in the article on IRELAND.
Mr. Lloyd George also held further sessions in the summer of 1921 of the Imperial Cabinet, or Conference, as some prefer to call it. The decisions mainly affected the treaty with Japan, the renewal of which was approved, and the Pacific question. While the Dominion Premiers were still in session with British ministers in London, President Harding issued an invitation to a Con- ference on Disarmament at Washington, which was accepted. The Imperial Cabinet suggested a preliminary Pacific Confer- ence which the Dominion ministers might attend, but the United States would not agree.
Mr. Lloyd George lost in the early spring of 1921 two valuable colleagues, Lord Milner and Mr. (afterwards Lord) Long; and he suffered a still greater loss in the sudden break-down in health of his partner in Government, Mr. Bonar Law, with whom his "relations had been peculiarly intimate and cordial. But he ar- ranged that the newly elected Unionist leader, Mr. Austen Chamberlain, should occupy exactly the same position as his predecessor. He was as convinced of the necessity of Coalition as ever, though there were some signs of disaffection on both wings, and the " Anti- Waste " movement was proving a dis- integrating force. His own astounding vitality appeared to have suffered no diminution. There was no sign of weariness or lack of grasp in his prompt action after the King's speech at Belfast, in spite of the fact that he had been uninterruptedly in high office for nearly 15 years, had been in the forefront of political strife almost the whole time, had carried the country with safety and success through the greatest war in history, and had sur- vived an amount of abuse from different quarters that would have crushed any but a very exceptional personality. Though public confidence in him was not so general in the summer of 1921 as it had been at the close of the war, no statesman had yet arisen who could seriously be put in competition with him for the post of Prime Minister. (G. E. B.)
LOCHEE OF GOWRIE, EDMUND ROBERTSON, BARON (1845- 1911), British jurist and politician. Born in Scotland Oct. 28 1845, and educated at Oxford, he became a fellow of Corpus Christi College in 1872; he was called to the English bar, and became well known as a jurist, filling the posts of examiner in jurisprudence at Oxford, professor of Roman law at London University, and reader in law to the council of legal education. He was Liberal member for Dundee from 1885 until he was raised to the peerage in 1908. In 1892 he became a civil lord of -the Admiralty, and in 1906 was secretary to the Admiralty. His writings include a book on American Home Rule, and numerous articles on legal and constitutional subjects in the E.B. He died at Canterbury Sept. 13 1911.
LOCKE, WILLIAM JOHN (1863- ), English novelist and playwright, was born March 20 1863 in Georgetown, Demerara, the eldest son of John Locke of the Colonial Bank Service. He was educated at Trinidad and St. John's College, Cambridge. On leaving the university he became a schoolmaster until in 1897 he was appointed secretary to the R.I.B.A. He became a corresponding member of many European architectural socie- ties; but it is as a writer of novels that he is best known. Of these the chief are: At the Gate of Samaria (1895); Where Love Is (1903); The Morals of Marcus Ordeyne (1905); The Beloved Vagabond (1906); Stella Maris (1913); The Woiiderful Year (1916); The Rough Road (1918); The House of Baltazar (1920) and The Mountebank (1921), several of which have been repro- duced on the film. Besides original plays, such as Mr. Cynic (1899), The Lost Legion (1900) and The Man from the Sea (1910), he dramatized The Morals of Marcus, produced at the Garrick
theatre (1906), and The Beloved Vagabond, produced at His Majesty's theatre (1908).
LOCKROY, EDOUARD (1838-1913), French politician (see 16.854), died Nov. 22 1913.
LOCKWOOD, WILTON (1861-1914), American painter (see 16.855), died at Brookline, Mass., March 20 1914. In 1912 he was elected a member of the National Academy of Design.
LOCKYER, SIR JOSEPH NORMAN (1836-1920), English astronomer (see 16.855), died at Sidmouth Aug. 16 1920. In 1912 he became president of the British Science Guild, which owed its existence to a suggestion made by him in his presi- dential address to the British Association in 1903.
LODGE, HENRY CABOT (1850- ), American statesman and author (see 16.860), as a member of the Committee on Foreign Relations of the U.S. Senate supported (1914) the repeal of the Panama Canal toll exemptions clause as desired by President Wilson. Although he believed that under the Hay-Pauncefote Treaty the United States had full right to discriminate in favour of American shipping, he felt that a mistake had been made in refusing Great Britain's request for arbitration of the question. He was opposed to woman suffrage and in Aug. was " blacklisted " by the National American Suffrage Association. In Jan. 1915 he opposed the ship purchase Ml for the acquisition of shipping which the President had asked Congress to pass, on the ground that it would lead to endless foreign complications because of conditions arising out of the World War. In Feb. he also opposed the treaty negotiated by Secretary Bryan with Colombia, in which it was proposed to pay Colombia $25,000,000 and to express regrets for incidents attending America's recognition of the independence of Panama and acquisition of the Panama Canal Zone. He construed this as a criticism of the administration of President Roosevelt when the Canal Zone was acquired. In 1916 he assailed the suggestion of an American embargo on arms, declaring that such action would place America on the side of the Central Powers. In Jan. of the same year he offered a resolution calling for armed intervention in Mexico. He was an unpledged delegate-at-large from Massachusetts to the Republican National Convention, 1916, and served as chairman of the Committee on Resolutions. The same year he was elected vice-president of the American Society of International Law. In July he supported the navy bill, calling for an appropriation of $315,000,000, and declared that America needed a fleet both in the Atlantic and Pacific oceans as the Panama Canal was " vulnerable." In Oct. he publicly charged that the President had added a " postscript " to the second " Lusitania " note, informing the German Government that the strong words in the first note were " not to be taken seriously " and had withdrawn it when members of the Cabinet threatened to resign. Later he accepted, somewhat perfunctorily, the President's denial of such action. He opposed prohibition and urged moderate taxation of individual incomes and of excess war profits of corporations. In 1918 he opposed the O/erman bill, bestowing special war powers on the President, on the ground that it rmVht lead to autocracy. Senator Lodge had long been a sharp critic of President Wilson's policies and his antagonism became more personal after the meeting of the Peace Conference. In Dec. 1918 he advocated postponement of the question of a league of nations until after the signing of the treaty, insisting that the two should be considered separately. In the same year he was elected Republican floor leader of the Senate and, as such and as chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, his position was one of great influence. When the President submitted to the Senate the Treaty of Peace, Senator Lodge became the leader of the opposition. He assailed the President for usurping power and ignoring the Senate whose responsibility in the matter, he declared, was as great as the President's. Under his leadership 14 reservations were carried through the Senate, "all designed to protect the safety, independence and sovereignty of the United States. They did not nullify the treaty. They simply Americanized it"; these, he maintained, constituted the " irreducible minimum," which the President must accept, if the treaty was to be ratified
