Page:Early western travels, 1748-1846 (1907 Volume 8).djvu/329

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I know it to be the case, that the slave holders, generally, deprecate the practice of buying and selling slaves, and they would, no doubt, aid the government in its efforts to enfranchise them.

Should the government act upon the supposed plan, she would greatly increase her reputation and security; relieve an unfortunate and oppressed portion of the human race, and remove forever this dark stain upon her glory. Should she make this uncostly effort, Freedom would call us her own peculiar people, and in some future, trying day, might remember and defend us.

Why do we boast of liberty, when, every day, we violate its most sacred principles? As it is in our power to give freedom to the slaves within our jurisdiction, we do, by delaying to take this step, sanction and support their oppression. Should a slave endeavour to obtain his freedom, which, no doubt, he has a right to do, the law of the land,—the whole power of the Union, would enforce his obedience, and again rivet his chains. Oh, cruel nation! Oh, detestable system! The slave holder cannot, consistently with the law of the land, take the life of his slave; but he may scourge him, overwhelm his heart with grief, and by a lingering torture bring him to a premature grave. This is frequently the case. Indeed, slaves are often killed {217} at once, and that with impunity. How is the act to be known, when it is committed on a plantation?

The oppressor is hateful to the eye of Heaven: and Heaven's justice may be preparing for us pestilence, famine, and subjugation. The wisdom of the world, the policy of states, the pride of birth, the love of wealth, the calculations of avarice, the luxuries of indolence, and the thoughtlessness of inhumanity, may all prate about the inexpediency of giving freedom to the slave; but there is an