Whereas at present we give a hundred blows of the axe,
we shall then give three hundred. The work which we now do
in an hour will then require three hours. What a powerful
encouragement will thus be given to labour! Masters, journeymen,
apprentices! our sufferings are now at an end. We shall
be in demand; and, therefore, well paid. Whoever shall
henceforth desire to have a roof to cover him must comply with
our exactions, just as at present whoever desires clothes to his
back must comply with yours.
And should the theoretical advocates of free trade ever dare to call in question the utility of the measure, we know well where to seek for reasons to confute them. Your Inquiry of 1834 is still to be had. With that weapon, we shall conquer; for you have there admirably pleaded the cause of restriction, and of blunt axes, which are in reality the same thing.
IV.
LOWER COUNCIL OF LABOUR.
"What you have the face to demand for all citizens a right to sell, buy, barter, and exchange; to render and receive service for service, and to judge for themselves, on the single condition that they do all honestly, and comply with the demands of the public treasury? Then you simply desire to deprive our workmen of employment, of wages, and of bread?"
This is what is said to us. I know very well what to think of it; but what I wish to know is, what the workmen themselves think of it.
I have at hand an excellent instrument of inquiry. Not those Upper Councils of Industry, where extensive proprietors who call themselves labourers, rich shipowners who call themselves sailors, and wealthy shareholders who pass themselves off for workmen, turn their philanthropy to account in a way which we all know.
No; it is with workmen, who are workmen in reality, that we have to do—joiners, carpenters, masons, tailors, shoemakers,
