its pains and penalties, but with its many gifts, is rendering first aid to Russia's stricken economic life; presently, it will touch the dead corpse of her prosperity, which will spring to its feet. And in all these movements her young democracy has a profound interest. Here, then, are causes definitely counteracting the argument for economic war.
So too with Germany. Germany has been in past years depleted of her surplus economic element, which otherwise would have tended long ago to break bounds in Europe. Of the 90,000,000 Germans in the world, there are 60,000,000, or thereabouts, in the fatherland; but of the balance no less than about 13,000,000 are oversea. What the prairie and the steppe are to the Russian peasant, the Americas, north and south, are to the German refugee. On behalf of those who remain within her boundary it may be urged that, though they have waged several wars in the nineteenth century against Austria, and Denmark, and France, their sword has been drawn in the cause of national unity, that for forty years, and more, they have abstained from that arbitrament, and that temptations of wealth and comfort entice the fingers of the mailed fist from the hilt of the sword.
Another, and the final, argument pointing to the militant nature of democracy is that it foments race hatred, and therefore war. The two main manifestations of this spirit are known as Pan-Slavism and Pan-Germanism.
Pan-Slavism had really little root in the world
