works, of law, and of sound finance, has been above criticism. Indeed, it may even be argued that, unfortunately, important blunders have been committed by our administration in all these respects, and need remedy in the future.
For instance, during years not distant the Indian government has displayed regrettable hesitation in respect of outrage and anarchy, hatched in the Deccan and Bengal, and even in London. Mr. Chirol, in his Indian Unrest, has explained "the extraordinary tolerance too long extended at home and in India to this criminal propaganda. For two whole years it was carried on with relative impunity under the very eye of the government of India in Calcutta." As Lord Minto himself said in February 1911, there has been "a far-reaching conspiracy against our existence in India." Our first duty was to have put it down and to have maintained order at an earlier date than we actually did.
It is worthy of note that, when our government had begun to realise the serious nature of this movement, the Viceroy laid the whole position before the princes and chiefs of the Native States, who govern about one-third of the total area of India and enjoy the allegiance of 71,000,000 of subjects. These potentates unanimously condemned the methods and motives of their misguided compatriots. Their replies were a rebuke to our supineness, and a reminder, too, that the East is governed by princes and by statesmen, and not
