alien and antipathetic to the Indian. But that is open to doubt. Hinduism no more objects to receive all this into its system than a valetudinarian to take a tonic. A parliamentary, an extra, god is welcome. Indeed, a living M.P. has recently been suggested for that position. For Hinduism stocks itself with theogonies. It slips a new divinity with pleasure into its aquarium, to be fed at stated times with the rest.
The Englishman, on his side, does not take the same view, naturally, though he agrees, it is true, to a limited extent. In fact, he has a deeper idea and a better vision. For he intends to gain India, not to lose it, by the gift of sufficient freedom. And if he gains India, he has gained the leadership of the world.
What, then, precisely is this policy of the fourth phase, on which so much hinges? Current ideas, English and Indian alike, need a fair examination.
In the first place, it is thought by many that we are to prepare India to stand entirely by herself. On this theory we are to occupy the responsible, but not very profitable, post of a college tutor who gives the last push to the fledgling over the edge of the nest.
Undoubtedly, that would not be an irrational forecast if one condition were fulfilled. That condition is the adoption by India of Christianity and of all that it implies. As it is, religion in India has a threefold choice. Firstly, the Indian peoples will remain as they are in religion, that is,
