in the West. Shall she stand, as far as possible, in abeyance, or shall she adopt a more active role? There is no doubt that she will take the latter decision.
The reason necessitating this is that it is far too dangerous to act otherwise. For the nations will infallibly combine to penalise us, if we are bent on malingering in Europe. And besides, we have an urgent interest of our own in that quarter, to see to it that they abate their suicidal animosities. For, on the death of nationality, we might have Cæsarism back, and we want no more Cæsars.
But, Christendom being but a fraction of the whole, we have to consider our future in the world outside it, and it is here that England approaches her highest end, and the consummation of her destiny.
Entrusted with a fifth of the human species, she has given them trade first, and then order, and next prosperity. Yet they will not be satisfied even with all these things. So, last of all, with slow and due precaution, she will give them, too, nationality within the safe bounds of Imperialism. For she wants their friendship above all things, and she reckons that she will be justified of her faith in the long event.
She looks to the distant hour, when the princes and peoples of India, and the princes and peoples of Africa in their train, shall share to the full in the Imperial partnership.
