rour and force. They think that Leaders of Armies are to great Empire, as great Rivers to the continent; which make an easie access of such benefits as the Metropolis (the seat of Power) would else at vast distances with difficultie reach: yet often like proud Rivers when they swell, they destroy more by once overflowing their borders at home, than they have in long time acquir'd from abroad: They are to little Empire like the Sea to low Islands, by nature a defence from Forreigners, but by accident, when they rage, a deluge to their own shore. And at all seasons States-men believe them more dangerous to Government than themselves: for the popularitie of States-men is not so frequent as that of Generals; or if by rare sufficiencie of Art it be gain'd; yet the force of crowds in Cities, compar'd to the validitie of men of Arms, and discipline, would appear like a great number of Sheep to a few Wolves, rather a cause of Comfort than of Terrour. They think that chief Ministers of Law by unskilfull integritie, or love of popularity (which shews the Mind, as meanly born as bred) so earnestly pursue the protection of the Peoples right, that they neglect publick Interest; & though the Peoples right and publick Interest be the same, yet usually by the People, the Ministers of Law mean private men, and by the other the State; and so the State and the People are divided, as we may say a man is divided within himself, when Reason and passion (and Passion is folly) dispute about consequent actions; and if we were call'd to assist at such intestine War, we must side with Reason, according to our dutie, by the Law of Nature; and Natures Law, though not written in Stone (as was the Law of Religion) hath taken deep impression in the Heart of Man, which is harder than marble of Mount-Sinai.
Chief Ministers of Law, think Divines in government should like the Penal Statutes, be choicely, and but seldom us'd; for as those Statutes are rigorously inquisitive after venial faults, (punishing ourvery
