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enemy had attacked us. You need not make a fuss about offensive. Many mistakes have been made, many organisational weaknesses have been revealed. Our comrades in the Central Committee are not trying to conceal these mistakes, they wish to rectify them.
The question is whether we are to consider these fights as a step forward along the difficult path of the German working class, or merely as a putsch. The Executive is of the opinion that the March action was no putsch. It is ridiculous to speak of a putsch in connection with an action in which half-a-million workers had fought. This was no putsch, it was a fight which was forced on the German working class by the then prevailing circumstances.
We must admit our faults openly and learn by them. We do not conceal anything; we are not carrying on any "conventicle policy," or secret diplomacy. But we are of the opinion that on the whole the German Party need not be ashamed of this struggle—quite the contrary. (Animated approval.)
We must be quite outspoken and declare in plain terms without any diplomacy that there is danger of possible premature movements. When I was listening to Comrade Terracini's report in the Executive Committee, it appeared to me that the Italian Communists were saying to themselves—Now that we are rid of the "Stick-in-the-mud" party, we must strike out. No, we must not jump at conclusions, we must consider matters carefully. For to-day one must be much more circumspect and more careful, and before going into the fray we must prepare thoroughly and weigh matters repeatedly. .n this respect Comrade Trotsky was quite right in his criticism concerning the French question. We must not shut our eyes to the danger, and not shrink even from somewhat exaggerating it. We are not afraid of this.
I am coming now to the K.A.P.D. (Communist Labour Party of Germany) question, You are aware
