star invites men to rest. But we are not sure of any identity between Ishtar and the Assyrian goddess Derceto. Duncker's theory is rendered all the more improbable when we consider that Semiramis occurs in the Old Testament as a masculine proper name, (i Chron. xv. 18, 20; xvi. 5; 2 Chron. xvii. 8.)
The wonderful events in the childhood of Semiramis find a parallel in various hero legends—e. g., Cyrus, Romulus and Remus. Bauer has shown from Roman, German, Persian, and Indian analogies that it is customary in the legends of renowned monarchs, particularly founders of new dynasties, to represent them as having enjoyed from childhood especial divine favor. Furthermore, the statements about the excesses of this Assyrian queen can be explained by the desire of the poet to exaggerate her weaknesses.
The following historical facts are assured: (1) That there was an Assyrian ruler by the name of Semiramis; (2) that she played a conspicuous part in political affairs; (3) that the date given to this queen by Herodotus is confirmed by the cuneiform records. Therefore we can conclude that the foundation for the legends of Semiramis is that historical personage called Sammuramat in the cuneiform inscriptions. The successes which were gained in Media in the time of Ramman-nirari III. easily explain why the later Greeks attributed to Semiramis the great works of the Median monarchs, the building of the citadel in Ecbatana, and even the Behistan Inscription. In this great Assyrian queen the Median poets saw a worthy object of glorification. From the Medes and Persians these descriptions reached the Greeks, and Semiramis then became the half-historical, half-mythical portrait
