the interior," and a belief that Mexico should furnish for California something more or something less than rulers, and laws made with no reference to the country's needs. The popular feeling was not one of disloyalty to Mexico as a nation. The Californians were far from entertaining as yet so radical an idea as that of absolute independence; but they believed that territorial interest should be consulted by the nation, and that no more Mexican officers should be sent to rule California. Alvarado, Carrillo, Castro, Pico, Vallejo, and other young Californians of the same class, the men who had for the most part supplied the diputacion with members, the politicians of the country, not only shared the popular sentiment, but were disposed to utilize it for their own as for their country's interests. They were willing to furnish from their own number men to rule California and handle its scanty revenues. Even they were not yet prepared to advocate entire separation from Mexico; but they were men of some education, who had come much in contact with foreigners, and had imbibed to some extent liberal views. Some of them had become more than half convinced that Mexican ways of doing most things were not the best ways. Yet they shrewdly feared foreign influence, and were disposed to be cautious. Their present purpose was to gain control of the country; later there would be time to determine what to do with the prize. Their success against Victoria had given them self-confidence, and made the word 'revolt' less terrible in their ears. Later success in getting rid of Chico by other methods still further flattered their self-esteem. The rise of centralism gave to their schemes an aspect of national patriotism; while rumors that centralism was on its last legs augured comparative safety. Manifestly their time had come. Hence the rising against Gutierrez, whose character and acts, as I have said, were unimportant factors in the problem.
Juan B. Alvarado, second vocal and president of
