been given, and the expectation of a fresh election had been formed so generally, that the country had widely prepared for it. The counties and towns had been privately canvassed; the intended representation had been arranged. The importance of the crisis, and the resolution of the country gentlemen to make their weight appreciated, was nowhere felt more keenly than in the court.
Letters survive throwing curious light on the history of this election. We see the Cromwell faction straining their own and the Crown's influence as far as it would bear to secure a majority—failing in one place, succeeding in another—sending their agents throughout the country, demanding support, or entreating it, as circumstances allowed; or, when they were able, coercing the voters with a high hand. Care was taken to secure the return of efficient speakers to defend the Government measures;[1] and Cromwell, by his exertions and by his anxiety, enables us to measure the power of the Crown, both within Parliament and without; to conclude with certainty that danger was feared from opposition, and that the control of the cabinet over the representation of England was very limited.
The returns for the boroughs were determined by the chief owners of property within the limits of the franchise: those for the counties depended on the great
- ↑ 'For your Grace's Parliament I have appointed (for a Crown borough) your Grace's servant, Mr Morison, to be one of them. No doubt he shall be able to answer or take up such as should crack on far with litterature of learning.'—Cromwell to Henry VIII.: State Papers, vol. i. p. 603.
