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it up as a bad job. It was practically given up when Mr. Morley said that he would not send the redcoats to support the crowbar brigade except when he thought proper.
Some people complained that this was very arbitrary talk. But what says the discontented Mr. Chamberlain, who cannot bring himself to surrender the proud supremacy of the Imperial Parliament? He would make a law to suspend all evictions, and advance the amount of the non-recoverable rents to the landlords out of the public treasury—that is to say, out of Englishmen's pockets—till a settlement can be arrived at. Poor John Bull must grin and bear it, content with such satisfaction as he can get out of the reflection that he still continues to "govern Ireland." Odds whips and scorpions! if that is the Birmingham alternative to the Land Purchase Bill, I had rather forego the honour. I like not such grinning honour.
Ireland then has practically got her way already. The supremacy of the Imperial Parliament is nominally intact. Only, the Queen's writ does not run; and Mr. Chamberlain, to save appearances, will make a law that it shall not run.
But if the English yoke on Ireland has come in these days of Carnarvon and Morley to be easy, and its burden practically light, the Irish yoke on England is a reality of the sternest kind. We have a string of reforms waiting to be carried, and a huge Liberal majority of ninety-six (excluding all Irish members) prepared to carry them. But the Irish (whom we have the proud satisfaction of governing) prohibit us from touching them. A London Municipality? Veto. Secular Education for Board Schools? Veto. County Boards, Land Law Reform, Railway Reform, Water Supply Reform, Enfranchisement of Leaseholds, Wind-up of City Companies? Veto. Veto. Veto.
None of these questions can even be effectively submitted to public opinion outside Parliament. For such is the block of Reforms waiting for legislation that the public will not nowadays bend itself to the serious con-
