contradicted the previous speaker, bluntly asserting that the movement of 1813 was occasioned by the tyranny exercised by the foreigner, then dominant in the land. At this a frightful outcry ensued, winch completely drowned his voice; but the cool determined character of the man manifested itself on the occasion in a somewhat singular manner. Leaning against the trioune, he drew from his pocket a newspaper, and continued to read it until order was restored. He then concluded his address by saying, "that the humiliation suffered by Prussia at the hands of the foreigner should cause all other feelings to be absorbed in the hatred of foreigners." This his first speech appears to have decided his position with reference to party; and not being a man to mince matters either in speech or action, he soon became the target at which the liberal press levelled their most rancorous abuse.
On the outbreak of the French revolution in February, 1848, Bismarck felt that a struggle for the Prussian monarchy must take place. He felt, as by intuition, that the tide of revolt would cross the Rhine and dash against the foot of the throne of his king; possibly undermine and overthrow that structure, on the maintenance of which he believed the stability of his beloved Prussia depended. The evil day came, the bulwarks of royalty had given way one by one to the genius of revolution, when Bismarck, on the 2nd April, 1848, took his seat in the first session of the second united Diet. In the debate on the address from the throne, which contained a proposition for a new constitution, he deprecated the unseemly haste with which the reply to the royal speech was moved and carried, and he declared, with his habitual frankness, that he accepted the address solely because he was powerless to do otherwise. "If it be possible," said he, "to attain to a united German Fatherland by the new path, to arrive at a happy, or even legally well-ordered condition of things, the time will have arrived when I can tender my thanks to the originator of the new state of things, but at present this is beyond my power." The immediate necessity of the moment was to arrest the progress of revolution, and to this end Bismarck was indefatigable in his efforts to raise a royalist or conservative party. There were many elements for constituting a conservative or royalist party in the upper middle class, the noblesse, and the military sections of the population of Prussia, individuals holding these opinions; but they were scattered about the country, disorganized, and terrified by the rapid progress of revolutionary ideas. It required, therefore, an energetic and determined man to organize and consolidate the elements into a party, and Bismarck was the man to perform the task. A portion of the Berlin press was gradually brought over to the views of the party, and a conservative club founded, with the motto "Mit Gott für König und Vaterland" (with God for king and country). In December, 1848, the new constitution was promulgated, and Bismarck being returned to the Chamber as a representative of West Havellande, found himself preparing to defend against the attacks of democracy that constitution which he had accepted only in despair. He had accepted it from necessity, and felt bound to defend the crown upon such basis as it afforded. "There is," he argued, "no accommodation possible with this battle of principles which has shaken Europe to its foundations; these principles are founded on contradictory grounds, opposed from the very commencement. One apparently seeks its justification in the national will, but really in the brute force of the barricades. The other is founded in a sovereignty granted by Heaven, upon the supremacy of divine right, and endeavours to accomplish its development by organically allying itself with constitutional jurisprudence and law. One of these principles regards agitators as heroic combatants for truth, freedom, and right, the other classes them as rebels." On the 6th September, 1849, he said, in a debate on the German policy of Prussia, "The policy of Frederick the Great has frequently been alluded to, and it has even been identified with the proposition for union. I am rather of opinion that Frederick II. would have turned to the most prominent peculiarity of Prussian nationality, to her warlike element, and not without a result."
In 1849-51 Bismarck occupied in the Diet the position of one of the chief leaders of the conservative party against democracy. He entered into the strife with ardour, both at Berlin and Erfurt; wherever he saw the sovereignty of Prussia assailed he sprang to the breach with decision. He seemed to have a fine intuition for discovering everything hostile to his beloved sovereignty. When ambassador at Frankfort to the Federation, he saw ruin impending over Prussia in the false position she there occupied; and he arrived at the conviction that Austrian jealousy would strive to keep Prussia in that position, and was engaging in active measures that might end in the final destruction of Germany. He therefore resolved upon opposition to Austria. This was not a very easy task, for the compact between Prussia and Austria had descended to him as a sacred tradition. He would readily have held out his hand, and desired earnestly to remain true to tradition, in proof of which disposition he made frequent offers of amity on equal terms. He soon discovered, however, that there was a change coming over the policy of Austria, not tending to the good of Prussia and Germany, and he changed his front with military precision, for an attitude hostile to Austria. This he did not do secretly, but openly and honestly. He defined his position in writing from Frankfort, from St. Petersburg, from Paris, both by his own hand and by that of others. The interior defence of the Prussian monarchy, in its inherent integrity, the rehabilitation of the liberty of Germany, so important for its own safety, and a dignified attitude towards foreign nations, constitute the sum of his policy. Liberalism, democracy, the inimical jealousy of Austria, the envy of foreign nations, with its train of parliamentary spirit and specialisms—such were the enemies of the Prussian sovereignty; and Bismarck, with equal courage and firmness, with as much insight as success, fought openly and honestly against these. It was in May, 1851, Bismarck was appointed first secretary of the embassy to the Diet, with the title of privy councillor. He immediately departed to his post in Frankfurt, and in August of the same year was appointed ambassador. In this capacity he came into collision with Prince Schwartzenberg, the Austrian representative, and the real work of his life began in fighting the battles of the Zollverein. His demeanour at Frankfort soon convinced the other German representatives that Prussia would not, in his person, lose any of her dignity. She seemed to claim more than was her wont. The president of the Diet, always an Austrian, had been accustomed to receive from his colleagues in the Diet a certain amount of deferential homage. Herr von Bismarck, on assuming his post, waited on the president of 1851, whom he found seated and smoking a cigar. The Austrian remained seated, and opened the conversation without inviting the other to a chair. The Prussian envoy determined not to yield so great a diplomatic advantage, extracted a cigar from his case, and at once ruffled the dignity of the president by saying, "I'll trouble you for a light, Count," after which he helped himself to a chair, and the cigars were smoked on terms of equality. His leisure was at this time much employed in travelling into various parts of Europe. Strangely enough, he in 1852 became the arbitrator between the Danish government and the duke of Schleswig-Holstein Sonderburg Augustenburg. He also undertook a mission to Hanover, visited Italy and Switzerland, finally settling in Frankfort. In 1855 he visited the Paris exhibition, lodging with the Prussian ambassador, and two years later was again in Paris. After much and various occupations in different parts of Europe, his ideas were considerably enlarged, particularly on the subject of the policy of Austria. It was on the occasion of this last visit to Paris that he obtained his first political conference with the Emperor Louis Napoleon. It would be curious to speculate on the impression they made on each other; the contrast between the stalwart, straightforward Prussian and the dark-visaged, crafty Bonaparte, must have been very great. He paid a visit to the emperor of Austria in the summer of 1852, and took a pleasant trip into Hungary, his treatment by the emperor being all that he could desire. But in 1859, after he had been appointed ambassador to St. Petersburg, he saw that the Austrian power in the Diet was used to form a coalition against Prussia, to repress all further developments of the influence and power of Prussia as a foundation for the common policy of the Diet. It was clear that Austria intended to have the lead throughout Germany, either by diplomacy or otherwise. It was equally clear to the mind of Bismarck that the supremacy of Austria lay in the depression of Prussia, and to counteract the possibility of such an event, all his energy as diplomatic and parliamentary representative was devoted. It was at this time (1859) that he wrote to the Prussian minister for Foreign Affairs a letter, not published until seven years afterwards, when its threat or prediction was fulfilled.
