in the policy of the statesman, and his highest life culminated in a European policy. He was born in London, April 11, 1770. His family was originally English, but migrated to Ireland upon receiving certain estates from James I. His father lived under the ban of family displeasure, in consequence of his marriage with Miss Costello. He forsook the law, to which he had been educated, for literature; became involved in debt; surrendered the entail of the Irish estate; and died on the first anniversary of his son's birth, a broken-hearted man. Mrs. Canning went upon the stage, but was afterwards remarried, and lived to witness her son's career, receiving from him until her death the tenderest treatment of faithful love. Canning's natural endowments were magnificent; and his gifts were as varied as they were mighty. He felt the warmth of keen passion, and knew also the calmness of disciplined thought. He possessed a fervid imagination, united with remarkable logical acumen. He could master a great principle, and warm both himself and others into enthusiastic devotion thereunto, and yet manage passing affairs with the subtle tact of an accomplished man of the world. He was an orator who, by pomp of gorgeous eloquence, could almost compel men to kneel in admiration at his feet, and at the same time a man of business, who never used two words when one word would denote his purpose. He was a wit whose keen darts flew somewhat too wildly, and yet he had a soul to feel—too acutely for its own peace—every passing passion of the wayward world. He was a scholar, not ignorant of the technicalities of learning, but one to whom scholarship was rather a robe of graceful endowment than a restraint to the free life of genius. With gifts so memorable. Canning was early recognized as a man who would die at the head of whatsoever profession he might choose to adopt. It was as certain, however, that he would have fierce foes, as that he would achieve greatness. The very variety of his powers led him, when they ripened into maturity, to attempt "to hold the balance between conflicting principles," and thus drew upon him somewhat of the hatred of the advocates of both, and occasionally involved him in compromises which failed to embody his own noblest thoughts. As a wit, unable to restrain himself in the overflowing enjoyment of his humour, and yet endowed with quick personal sensitiveness, Canning ran as much danger of being wounded as of wounding, and paid ultimately a bitter penalty of inward suffering for every blow he struck. Unconnected with any of the great ruling families, his genius could not protect him from being treated as a parvenu; and some of his high associates never forgave a speech in which he flung back the charge of being an adventurer, with the proud assertion that he had no claims but those of character, and never subscribed to the creed "which assigns to a certain combination of great families a right to dictate to the sovereign and to influence the people."
Canning was educated at Eton, through his uncle's aid, where he edited a periodical started among the lads, named the Microcosm, and gave abundant signs of future power. In a poem called "The Slavery of Greece," he poured forth aspirations towards freedom, which never died within him. In 1787 Canning entered Christ Church college, Oxford. At Oxford he gained distinction, and cemented that firm friendship with the Hon. C. Jenkinson (afterwards the premier. Lord Liverpool), which ultimately secured him the ministry of foreign affairs on the death of Castlereagh. From Oxford he proceeded to Lincoln's inn, and although he at first associated with Fox, Burke, and Grey, to whom his friend Sheridan introduced him, he finally entered parliament under the patronage of Pitt in 1793. In 1796 he became under-secretary of state, and from time to time defended the policy of Pitt. At the close of 1797 he commenced the Anti-Jacobin, to which he contributed some famous parodies upon Southey—one of which, "The Friend of Humanity and the Knife-Grinder," has assumed a lasting place in humorous literature; "The Rovers," a burlesque on the sentimental drama, containing some exquisite feeling; and "New Morality," a satire on the French. In 1798 Canning married Miss Jane Scott, one of the daughters of General Scott, thereby advancing both his pecuniary and social position. He went out of office with Pitt in 1801, returning with that minister in 1804, but again leaving the government on Pitt's death in 1806. Upon the resignation of the Grey and Granville administration in 1807, Canning became minister of foreign affairs, but withdrew in consequence of a duel with Castlereagh, who held the war office. Castlereagh charged Canning with obtaining a promise that he should be removed from office, and concealing the whole affair; the king, however, subsequently explained that Canning's complaint had been that their offices clashed, but that it was still hoped to retain both in the government, and that it was not intended to conceal so long the change in agitation. Upon the death of Percival in 1812, Lord Liverpool became prime minister, and sought the aid of Canning. Canning, to his honour, declined to join the cabinet, in consequence of the refusal of Lord Liverpool to take into consideration the catholic claims, although at this moment of his career, as he afterwards declared, he had a temptation to take office more powerful than he had felt at any other period of his political life. In 1812 he was chosen representative for Liverpool, for which borough he was returned in three successive parliaments; and in 1814 he accepted the ambassadorship at Lisbon, his sympathies being closely drawn to the government by its prosecution of the French war. In 1816 he returned to England, and became president of the board of control, the catholic question being left open; but on the accession of George IV. he resigned office in consequence of his opposition to the proceedings against Queen Caroline. In 1822 Canning was announced as the successor to Lord Hastings in the government of India, and prepared to leave England. As he journeyed to Liverpool, however, to take leave of his constituents, great news reached him. Castlereagh, who had been at the foreign office since 1809, had fallen by his own hand, and the name of Canning was on every tongue as his successor. In spite of the opposition of the king and of some members of the cabinet, through the firmness of his old friend, Lord Liverpool, Canning was offered the foreign office, Sept. 11, 1822, which he accepted, and by this act a change came over the foreign policy of Britain; and by a change in the foreign policy of Britain, the whole course of modern history was necessarily directed into a new channel. The substitution of Canning for Castlereagh as minister was an epoch in modern history. Canning's first great aim was the withdrawal of Britain from the Holy Alliance. The grave attempt was then being made in Europe to establish an authoritative congress of royal families, pledged to assist each other by force of arms, and claiming a right to interfere upon the slightest pretext with the internal conduct of every state. Canning directed his policy against this system of holding congresses for the government of the world. His second great aim was to dissolve this Holy Alliance peacefully. He dreaded a fresh war, for he prophesied that it would be a war of opinion. Were there no Holy Alliance to interfere, and had each nation a time of peace in which it could grow according to its genius, then he trusted Europe would achieve her noblest destiny. His third grand aim was to place Britain in such a position that she could act for and by herself. In consequence of the firmness of the British minister in carrying out this policy, it was not decided at the congress of Verona in 1822, to interfere forcibly in the affairs of Spain; and although France ultimately declared war, through dread of a free constitution so near its borders. Canning, while preserving British neutrality, could fairly boast that he had prevented the war from being carried on under the assumed jurisdiction of a congress, and rendered it possible to manage its issues by ordinary diplomacy. He had, however, clearly made known to Europe that the principle on which Britain deprecated the Spanish war, was its acknowledgment "of the right of any nation to change or modify its internal institutions." While these events were going on—to use his own famous phrase—he sought materials of compensation in another hemisphere, and called the new world into existence to redress the balance of the old, "by recognizing the independence of the Spanish South American colonies, which had revolted from the mother country." Canning read another lesson to Europe on the foreign policy of Britain, when the British consul at Tangiers refused to surrender to Spain some political offenders. He regretted that such conduct should be deemed unfriendly, since Great Britain could contract no obligation to surrender political offenders to Spain or any other power. That Canning in his love of peace was not disposed to forget the honour or the ancient obligations of his country, appears from the fact, that when Portugal was invaded from Spain by deserters from its army—an invasion more than sanctioned by the Spanish government—he at once despatched British troops to its aid, risking a general war rather than compromise national faith. He was active in the abolition of the slave trade, although his general position on the subject of shivery was an instance of the way
