tives, to be the guardians of the publick purse, and to protect the people in their turn, against both kings and nobles.[1]
Having sunk republicanism in subjection to law, Mr. Adams here sinks representation in hereditary orders. By the definition of "republick" any form of government may constitute it; and by this definition of representation, hereditary power in every shape, is as much a representative power, as that elected by the people. Let us consider whether this definition tends to introduce an unambiguous political dialect, and to secure the people against deception.
It was said, that Mr. Adams had attempted, by definition, to rob of their arms the shadows of his enmity, and to transfer these arms to their adversary; and that if this could be effected, the chief weapons and distinguishing superiorities of our policy would be also lost. These shadows, are Turgot's chamber and Nedham's commonwealth; the reality upon which this attempt will bear, is the policy of the United States.
The distinguishing superiorities of our policy, are, the sovereignty of the people; a republican government, or a government producing publick or national good; and a thorough system of responsible representation. All these, Mr. Adams transplants into his system of monarchy and privileged orders, from the policy of the United States, as Mahomet transplanted several of the best principles of Christianity into his system of religion. "The people," says he, "are the fountain and original of the power of kings, lords, governours' and senates, as well as the house of commons, or assembly of representatives." Thus he seizes upon our principle of "the sovereignty of the people" and appropriates it to the use of his system of kings and lords. He asserts that, an hereditary limited monarch and a house of lords are as much the representatives of the nation as an house of representatives elected by the people. Thus he seizes upon our principle of responsible representation, and
- ↑ Adams's Defence, v. 3. 367.
