of the community, than what arises from the consideration of services, rendered to the publiek. And this title being, in nature, neither hereditary, nor trausiuissible to children, or descendants, or relations by blood, the idea of a man born a magistrate, lawgiver or judge, is absurd and unnatural. "That the people have the sole and exclusive right of governing themselves." That government is instituted for the common good, for the protection, safety, prosperity, and happiness of the people; and not for the profit, honour, or private interest of any one man, family, or class of men." And that "in order to prevent those, who are vested with authority, from becoming oppressors, the people have a right, at such periods, and in such manner, as they shall establish by their frame of government, to cause their publick officers to return to private life; and to fill up vacant places, by certain and regular elections and appointments." Two principles are clearly expressed by them all; one, that every person in authority is responsible and removable; the other, that talents, virtue, and political power, are not
inheritable.
These principles are precisely levelled at the opinions, that monarchy is divine, and nobility natural ; the first asserted by Filmer, the last by Mr. Adams. And they treat the idea of hereditary power, contended for by Mr. Adams as "absurd and unnatural."[1]The constitutions build their policy upon the basis of human equality—"all men are born free and equal;" and erect the artificial inequalities of civil government, with a view of preserving and defending the natural equality of individuals. Mr. Adams builds his policy upon the basis of human inequality by nature— "aristocracy is natural;" and proposes to produce an artificial level or equality, not of individuals, but of orders, composed of individuals naturally unequal. Yet the disciples of the balance, accuse the republicans of levelism.
- ↑ Mr. Adams calls Filmer's notions "absurd and superstitious,"—Vol. 1. 7.
