Page:James Bryce American Commonwealth vol 1.djvu/409

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CHAP. XXXIII
INTERPRETATION OF CONSTITUTION
387

which palpably departs from the old lines. And their censure is, of course, still more severe if the court seems to be acting at the bidding of a party.

A singular result of the importance of constitutional interpretation in the American government may be here referred to. It is this, that the United States legislature has been very largely occupied in purely legal discussions. When it is proposed to legislate on a subject which has been heretofore little dealt with, the opponents of a measure have two lines of defence. They may, as Englishmen would in a like case, argue that the measure is inexpedient. But they may also, which Englishmen cannot, argue that it is unconstitutional, i.e. illegal, because transcending the powers of Congress. This is a question fit to be raised in Congress, not only as regards matters with which, as being purely political, the courts of law will refuse to interfere, but as regards all other matters also, because since a decision on the constitutionality of a statute can never be obtained from the judges by anticipation, the legislature ought to consider whether they are acting within their competence. And it is a question on which a stronger case can often be made, and made with less exertion, than on the issue whether the measure be substantially expedient. Hence it is usually put in the fore-front of the battle, and argued with great vigour and acumen by leaders who are probably more ingenious as lawyers than they are far-sighted as statesmen.

A further consequence of this habit is pointed out by one of the most thoughtful among American constitutional writers. Legal issues are apt to dwarf and obscure the more substantially important issues of principle and policy, distracting from these latter the attention of the nation as well as the skill of congressional debaters.

"The English legislature," says Judge Hare, "is free to follow any course that will promote the welfare of the State, and the inquiry is not, 'Has Parliament power to pass the Act?' but, 'Is it consistent with principle, and such as the circumstances demand?' These are the material points, and if the public mind is satisfied as to them there is no further controversy. In the United States, on the other hand, the question primarily is one of power, and in the refined and subtle dis-