but a composition of both. In its foundation it is federal, not national; in the sources, from which the ordinary powers of the government are drawn, it is partly federal and partly national; in the operation of these powers it is national, not federal; in the extent of them again it is federal, not national; and, finally, in the authoritative mode of introducing amendments it is neither wholly federal, nor wholly national.[1]
§ 295. Time has in this, as in many other respects, assuaged the fears, and disproved the prophesies of the opponents of the constitution. It has gained friends in its progress. The states still nourish under it with a salutary and invigorating energy; and its power of direct action upon the people has hitherto proved a common blessing, giving dignity and spirit to the government, adequate to the exigencies of war, and preserving us from domestic dissensions, and unreasonable burthens in times of peace.
§ 296. If the original structure of the government was, as has been shown, a fertile source of opposition, another objection of a more wide and imposing nature was drawn from the nature and extent of its powers. This, indeed, like the former, gave rise to most animated discussions, in which reason was employed to demonstrate the mischiefs of the system, and imagination to portray them in all the exaggerations, which fear and prophesy could invent. Looking back, indeed, to that period with the calmness, with which we naturally- ↑ The Federalist, No. 39. See also 1 Tucker's Black. App. 145, 146.—The whole reasoning contained in the 39th number of the Federalist (of which the above is merely a summary) deserves a thorough examination by every statesman. See also on the same subject, Dane's App. § 14, p. 25, &c.; § 35, p. 44, &c.; 1 Tucker's Black. Comm. App. 146, &c.; The Federalist, No. 9; 3 Dall. R. 473.
