cherished; the alarms, which were so forcibly spread; the dangers to liberty, which were so strangely exaggerated; and the predominance of aristocratical and exclusive power, which were so confidently predicted, have all vanished into air, into thin air. Truth has silently dissolved the phantoms raised by imaginations, heated by prejudice or controversy; and at the distance of forty years we look back with astonishment at the laborious reasoning, which was employed to tranquillize the doubts, and assuage the jealousies of the people. It is fit, however, even now, to bring this reasoning under review, because it inculcates upon us the important lesson, how little reliance can be placed upon mere theory in any matters of government; and how difficult it is to vindicate the most sound practical doctrines against the specious questioning of ingenuity and hostility.
§ 648. The first objection was, to the smallness of the number composing the house of representatives.[1] It was said, that it was unsafe to deposit the legislative powers of the Union with so small a body of men. It was but the shadow of representation.[2] Under the confederation, congress might consist of ninety-one; whereas, in the first instance, the house would consist of but sixty-five. There was no certainty, that it would ever be increased, as that would depend upon the legislature itself in its future ratio of apportionments; and it was left completely in its discretion, not only to- ↑ It is remarkable, that the American writer, whom I have several times cited, takes an opposite objection. He says, "the national house of representatives will be at first too large; and hereafter may be much too large to deliberate and decide upon the best measures." Thoughts upon the Political Situation of the United States of America, (Worcester, 1788.)
- ↑ 2 Amer. Museum, 247, 534, 547, 551, 554.
