States, and the number of such carriages in the United States were one hundred and five, and the number of representatives in congress the same. This would produce ten hundred and fifty dollars. The share of Virginia would be 19/100 parts, or $90; the share of Connecticut would be 7/100 parts, or $70. Suppose, then, in Virginia, there are fifty carriages, the sum of $190 must be collected from the owners of these carriages, and apportioned among them, which would make each owner pay $3.80. And suppose, in Connecticut, there are but two carriages, the share of that state ($70) must be paid by the owners of those two carriages, viz. $35 each. Yet congress, in such a case, intend to lay a tax of but ten dollars on each coach. And if, in any state, there should be no coach or post-chaise owned, then, there could be no apportionment at all. The absurdity, therefore, of such a mode of taxation demonstrates, that such a tax cannot be a direct tax in the sense of the constitution. It is no answer to this reasoning, that congress, having determined to raise such a sum of money, as such a tax on carriages would produce, might apportion the sum due by the rule of apportionment, and then order it to be collected on different articles, selected in each state. That would be, not to lay and collect a tax on carriages, but on the articles, which were made contributory to the payment. Thus, the tax might be called a tax on carriages, and levied on horses. And the same objection would lie to an apportionment of the sum, and then a general assessment of it by congress upon all articles.[1]
- ↑ 3 Dallas's Reports, 171; Rawle on Const. ch. 9; 4 Elliot's Deb. 242; 1 Kent's Comm. Lect. 12, p. 239, 240; 1 Tuck. Black. Comm. App. 294.
