British Majesty to undertake such an interference. The time was NOT YET come to undertake such a plan with success against the will of a sovereign whose rights were indisputable."
This was not all. On February 23, 1848, Mr. Anstey made the following declaration in the House of Commons:
"Sweden was arming her fleet for the purpose of making a diversion in favour of Poland, and of regaining to herself the provinces in the Baltic, which have been so unjustly wrested from her in the last war. The noble lord instructed our ambassador at the Court of Stockholm in a contrary sense, and Sweden discontinued her armaments. The Persian Court had, with a similar purpose, despatched an army three days on its march towards the Russian frontier, under the command of the Persian Crown Prince. The Secretary of Legation at the court of Teheran, Sir John McNeill, followed the prince, at a distance of three days' march from his head-quarters, overtook him, and there, under instructions from the noble lord, and in the name of England, threatened Persia with war if the prince advanced another step towards the Russian frontier. Similar inducements were used by the noble lord to prevent Turkey from renewing war on her side."
To Colonel Evans, asking for tire production of papers with regard to Prussia's violation of her pretended neutrality in the Russo-Polish war, Lord Palmerston replied, "that the ministers of this country could not have witnessed that contest without the deepest regret, and it would be most satisfactory for them to see it terminated."—(House of Commons, August 16, 1831.)
Certainly he wished to see it terminated as soon as possible, and Prussia shared in his feelings.
On a subsequent occasion, Mr. H. Gaily Knight thus summed up the whole proceedings of the noble lord with regard to the Polish revolution:
