The essential point in the issue was the inclusion of reformists in the ranks of the Party, and the consequences of allowing this are clear enough. The Socialists talked everlastingly of revolution: they fed the workers with hopes and with words, and, when the time came to translate their promises into realities, they held back. And the influence holding them back was precisely that of the reformist elements, Turati, Treves, Modigliani and D'Aragona. They can be convicted over and over again from their own admissions. To take one instance; in 1922, when the split was an accomplished fact, these same reformists were in conference. Pampolini was speaking in defence of their action in remaining in the Socialist Party in 1919–20 in spite of their being a minority of reformist lambs among a crowd of revolutionary wolves. He said: "By remaining in the Party, we were able to fulfil our duty as Socialists. It would have been quite impossible for us to have accomplished, outside the Party, the task we achieved inside." And D'Aragona at the same sitting explained what that task was. "We were in fact too easy-going while the follies of pseudo-revolution were proceeding; but we did what we could," i.e. to Stop these "follies."
There can be no doubt, in the light of subsequent events, that Zinoviev and his friends were right, and that Serrati was wrong. There is a time to hold one's hand and a time to Strike hard, and the hour for striking hard had come in Italy in the autumn of 1920. The situation was fluid. Any strongly organised Party could have taken power. The Socialists failed, and the opportunity for cunning and unscrupulous reactionaries arrived.
The occupation of the engineering factories by the workers in the autumn of 1920 marked the highest point in the development of the proletarian attack on capitalism. Spasmodic Strikes had occurred in the industry throughout the previous eighteen months, and in June, 1920, things grew to a climax. The F.I.O.M. (Metal Workers' Union) put forward demands for a large increase in wages and after prolonged delay the owners refused to grant any concession. A stay-in strike was inaugurated and the owners replied by a lock-out. To this a more dramatic answer was given by the workers, who forcibly seized the factories, guarded and fortified them, and commenced the operations of industry under the control of their own factory committees. The movement spread to other industries with wonderful rapidity, and the supply of raw materials for the engineers was guaranteed from a score of other types of factories which the workers were now controlling. In spite of the partial sabotage of the administrative and technical staff, considerable progress was made with the establishment of a system of centralising production, purchase of raw materials, marketing products, and victualling the workers.
