of restoring order and avoiding anarchy, and here is the sort of order it secures.
The opposition was, moreover, singularly perturbed by the death of this particular member of their ranks. In Italy, as elsewhere, a reformist-socialist government is one of the last and most valuable defences of the capitalist system. The Italian bourgeoisie, if the dictatorship of Fascism fails, may have to rely on the constitutional support of the middle and lower classes, organised politically in right-wing socialist parties. Matteotti would have been an invaluable leader in such a political move. Even as things stood, he was doing good work for the capitalists by canalising the rebellious tendencies of the workers into the safe ways of reformism and hindering the development of communism.
Mussolini's reaction to the political Storm which followed the murder was to throw overboard all members of his ministry who were more blatantly associated with terrorist methods. Previous murders of Socialists and other opponents of Fascists had been successfully lived down without any pretence of legal action against the guilty parties. But in Matteotti's case a vast appearance of activity on the part of the police was set going; suspected persons were arrested and imprisoned, and a trial may eventually be held; the personal complicity of many prominent Fascist leaders in the outrage is already beyond doubt. In the political sphere, the cabinet was reconstituted to include several non-Fascists, all selected from the bourgeois parties.
It is still too early to see how far Mussolini will succeed in weathering the storm. He has made considerable concessions to the opposition and he will undoubtedly make more if necessary. He has, of course, given away much more in promises than in reality. The incorporation of the Fascist militia into the regular Forces of the crown is Still only a project. The order which he promised is Still only a thing of the future. Fascist violence continues and new forms of tyranny (the new press censorship, for example) are being imposed. In all things, Mussolini acts with cunning. He sees to it that the press decree is applied to one Fascist paper and to a score of opposition journals: he can then point to the impartiality of the administration.
If Fascism is to remain in power as the organ of the wealthy bourgeoisie, it must secure (either constitutionally or by force, but preferably the former) the continued support of the petty bourgeoisie and the compliance of the workers. If it cannot do this, its masters will throw it over and will use the device so popular just now of a Liberal-Labour Government to keep Italy safe for capital. Another alternative is that the bourgeoisie will have to resign the reins of power in favour of the workers.
