all the extensive agrarian (the italics are Kautsky's) areas, irrespectively of the nations by which they are peopled." I showed how utterly incorrect this definition was, and how it aimed at glossing over the most profound contradictions of Imperialism, and thus at effecting a reconcilition with Opportunism. I quoted my own definition of Imperialsm, as follows: "Imperialism is Capitalism in that stage of development in which monopolies and financial capital have attained a preponderating influence, the export of capital has acquired great importance, the international trusts have begun the partition of the world, and the biggest capitalist countries have completed the division of the entire terrestrial globe among themselves." I showed in this connection that Kautsky's criticism of Imperialism is even beneath bourgeois criticism.
Lastly, in August and September, 1917—that is, before the proletarian Revolution in Russia (which took place on November 7th, 1917)—I wrote a book (published in Petrograd at the beginning of 1918), "The State and Revolution: The Marxist teaching on the State and the Tasks of the Proletariat in the Revolution," in which I devoted a special chapter, under the title, "The Vulgarization of Marx by the Opportunists," to Kautsky, showing that he had completely distorted the doctrines of Marx, that he had adulterated them in conformity with the demands of Opportunism, and that, "he had abjured the revolution in practice, while recognizing it in words."
As a matter of fact, the chief theoretical mistake of Kautsky in his pamphlet on the dictatorship of the proletariat lies just in this opportunist distortion of Marx's theories of the State which were pointed out by me in my book "The State and Revolution."
It was necessary to make these preliminary observations in order to prove that Kaustky had been publicly charged by me with apostasy long before the Bolsheviks assumed State power, and were condemned on that account by him.
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