tion between the separation of one monarchy from another, because of opposing claims to hereditary right to rule, and the struggle of a people for republican government. On the 5th January, 1852, Kossuth was received in the Senate; when, after recording the formal speeches of introduction with Kossuth's replies, the Congressional Globe adds this record:
"Among the incidents of the reception, it may be mentioned that when the martial figure of General Houston approached Kossuth, there appeared to be a special attraction in the person of the hero of San Jacinto. Mr. Houston said: 'Sir, you are welcome to the Senate of the United States.' Kossuth feelingly replied: 'I can only wish I had been as successful as you, sir.' To this Houston responded: 'God grant you may be, sir.'"
At a later period Houston said, explaining his course toward Kossuth:
"When the advent of the illustrious stranger, Kossuth, was announced, I was not captivated by his advent, Mr. President. A portion of my life had been spent among the Indians. They are a cautious and considerate people, and I had learned to reconnoitre character a little when it comes about me, and I am liable to come in contact with it. I played the Indian and was wary. I received him, sir, in concurrence with the other Senators. I wished his country liberty as I wished the world liberty; but I did not wish to disregard our relations and obligations to other countries. He was hailed, he was greeted, he was welcomed on some occasions more triumphantly than even Lafayette, the friend of Washington. What claims had he upon us? He had claims of sympathy. If he ever flashed his sword for liberty he had a claim on our admiration and our fraternal feelings. But he had not done it—he retreated with a body-guard of five thousand; and after he had negotiated for a succedaneum, for a resting-place, he went away, leaving 'poor Hungary ' down-trodden and bleeding. Sir, much as I admire the patriots who strike for liberty —much as I admire the noble people whom Kossuth purported to represent—much as I admire all men who have struggled, even unfortunately or misguidedly, for liberty, no matter where—much as I admire the promptings which actuated them, and love the cause in which they have been engaged, yet when a man proves recreant to a noble cause, forgets his people, lives in comfort, splendor, and display, when they have to bite the dust or gnaw the file in agony, I have no sympathy for that man."
He then compared the course of the United States Government toward Texas:
"Was there then (in the Texan Revolution) a voice heard in this chamber advocating or introducing a resolution in vindication of the rights of Texas? Not one voice was heard at that time. Those gallant spirits who fell in hecatombs, with their footsteps almost on American soil, were hardly washed out or obliterated, yet this nation was not convulsed. Did Texas ever complain to this Government? In 1843, when she did remonstrate, what was it? She said to the three great powers of the earth, to France, England, and the United States: We ask no assistance; we invoke the invasion of our enemies; and upon a well-arranged and well-fought field, we will stake our liberty. But compel our
