ment of the present century, I am not acquainted with any code of morals that would render it dishonest in the middle of that century, when we regard the blood and treasure which Texas has expended in her acquisition. Sir, the President must presume upon the potency of his authority when he says Texas will not practically interfere with the possession of the United States. It is arrogance to suppose that she will submit to the usurpations of the military authorities in Santa Fé. He may imagine that these men whom he regarded as inefficient, and whose aid he could not rely on previous to the battle of Palo Alto, will permit unbridled assumption to trample upon their rights; this, sir, is a melancholy subject, one which I deplore, and my heart is not easy under its influence. Regard it as we may, it is an unhappy and unfortunate transaction. It was remarked a few days since by an honorable Senator that if Texas should attempt the resumption of her rights in Santa Fé she would find a "lion in the path." We have noticed now that he is upon his walk, he has quitted his lair, and presents himself in the person of Brevet Col. Monroe, with his epaulette, his sword, and all the majesty of military authority. And does Texas cower? Sir, she is erect; she knows her rights, and I hope she will act with caution, and not inconsiderately. No word that I may utter here can stimulate or regulate her action. The mandate has already gone forth, or I misapprehend her course. It is reported here that three thousand troops have been ordered to the field; they will not quit the soil; they will not invade the territories of the Union; they will defend their own; they will regard the transactions at Santa Fé as an act of rebellion, or of resistance within the limits of a sovereign State, and claim the right of its suppression. The power vested in the Executive of Texas gives him the right to call out the militia in case of insurrection or invasion—if he has made the call, let the consequences be what they may, I fasten them upon the inhabitant of the White House. No, not upon the individual, but upon the advisers who surround him; who can make him an instrument of malleable metal in their hands, and, after he has answered their purposes, cast him from them. But, sir, I hope that Texas, in her liberality, and in that magnanimity which she has heretofore sustained and maintained, will not be cruel. I trust her vengeance will slumber; that cool reason and devoted patriotism will triumph over all the petty passions of humanity, and that she will be governed by influences which elevate man above all that is sordid and hateful. They have no perverted ambition to gratify, but they have a sense of what is right, and I hope, in the adjudication of this grave offense, when they make the actors amenable to the violated honor and dignity of the State, they will not make examples of more of them than is needful, but I am fearful that, in view of the great offense, examples may be multiplied. I trust they will be confined only to flagrant offenders.
I have information in relation to proceedings that have taken place at Santa Fé, and it is certainly of the most remarkable character. It comes indorsed by the Executive, for it is embodied in the information given in his message upon a call of this body for information. It consists of extracts from a publication made in a newspaper at Santa Fé, urging the adoption of a State Government, and assigning as a reason therefor the wishes of the Administration. The tenor of it fixes upon the Administration the criminality of having instigated the late extraordinary movements at Santa Fé. The writer of the publication signs
