some days ago, a resolution calling for the proceedings of a court-martial which grew out of the action of the board, and in which some ill-feeling had been manifested. I was anxious to have the information brought before the Senate, not because I was acquainted with it, and believed it calculated to create a prejudice against the board, but because I wished to be enlightened and to be informed of all the facts in relation to the subject. A controversy had existed between some officers in relation to the action of the board; one member of the board was held responsible for its action in one case, and ill-blood grew up between one officer and a member of the board, which led to a court-martial. I wished to know whether blame properly attached to the individual who was arraigned and tried by order of the Secretary of the Navy, or whether the member of the board was culpable and had proved recreant to his duty and his honor. I wished to judge of all these things. But, sir, what was the course of the Senate? Apprehending that ill-feelings, or a heated state of excitement, might grow out of the communication of the information, they declined to adopt the resolution. It reminded me, Mr. President, of a trial which took place not very far from here, before a magistrate endowed with a good portion of common-sense and considerable integrity, but not a highly educated man — not a metaphysician. When the parties appeared before him, after hearing the testimony on the side of the plaintiff, seeing a good deal of excitement around him, he ordered the court to adjourn, and went out hastily with some bustle. "Oh!" said the people, "stop, stop, Squire, you are not going?" "Yes," said he, "I have heard enough." "But," they said, "you have heard only half the case." "Yes," replied he; "but to hear both sides of a case always confuses me, and I can not give my decision; I am off! " [Laughter.] Judging from the nature of the opposition to the resolution, I fear the Senate imagined that, if they were to hear both sides of the case, they could not as readily decide on its merits as if they only heard one side, and that was the side advocated by the Committee on Naval Affairs.
I am clearly of opinion that, if a special committee be raised, in accordance with the resolutions of the Senator from Georgia [Mr. Iverson], we shall be enabled to elicit the facts in relation to the whole subject; we can call on the gentlemen of the board, and ascertain the reasons for their action in relation to particular individuals. Then we shall learn authoritatively whether they founded their action on rumor, hearsay, prejudice, or common fame. What would be the fate of the board if " even-handed " justice was but rendered to them? According to the treatment which they have given to others, they are themselves obnoxious to charges sufficient to remove them for inefficiency, as much so as any officers whom they have removed.
Sir, it is the elite of the navy whom they have stricken down in many instances, and others have been dropped who might well have been retired. Some men have been dropped who received the thanks of Congress, who were presented with swords and medals for their valorous deeds, and who seven times saw the British lion cower beneath the wings of the American eagle. They are sent adrift, in their old age— cut loose from every hope. Others, in the vigor of life, in the fullness of manhood, in the prime of chivalry and gallant bearing, have been stricken down. I will, in one particular instance, cal the attention of the Senate to the language of a gentleman who is eutit ed, by his associations, by his simplicity, and the laconic character of his memorial, to the
