only weapon is the axe, which seems to be purely a religious emblem. The presence of subsidiary figures interpreted as prisoners maybe thought perhaps to indicate secular might, but these only occur in any numbers at Naranjo. On the whole it seems reasonable to conclude that the early Maya lived under the sway of rulers in whom the priestly aspect predominated, and that the election of chiefs whose power rested on a secular basis was a later development.
In the Popol Vuh even clearer indications of this are given, and it is evident that the authority of Balam-Quitzé, Balam-Agab, Mahucutah and Iqi-Balam rested on the fact that they were the guardians and high-priests of the gods given to them at Tulan. The association between priest and god in this case seems to have been personal and not transferable, for their sons do not immediately succeed to their positions. In fact, the legend seems to indicate the substitution of a more secular form of authority, since the titles and insignia of power are sought and obtained from a people living to the east, though these titles and insignia, not unnaturally, are conferred upon the elder sons of the deceased leaders. The titles include that of Ahpop, afterwards held by supreme chiefs, and the insignia consist of canopy, throne, musical instruments, pigments, perfumes, animal head-dresses, heron-plumes and shell and other ornaments, many of which appear in the livery worn by the figures sculptured on the early Maya monuments. The power of the rulers grew, centres of authority, similar to Mayapan, but probably on a smaller scale, were formed, and tribute of gems, gold, feathers and honey was imposed upon the conquered tribes. In particular we are told that the ruling people grew rich upon the bride-prices paid by the suitors of their women, and it may be concluded that alliances with a princely house were as much sought in Guatemala as in Mexico, and that the belief, that rank could only be
