(2) A pronoun of this series is always set against a noun or pronoun that goes before (or is implied): Dioer, heb ef.… A unben, heb ynteu w.m. 2 ‘By heaven, said he.... Ah! prince, said the other.’ The series is in common use in Mn. W.; sometimes the added meaning is so subtle as to be untranslatable: chwi a minnau ‘you and I’, but as a rule minnau signifies ‘I too’, ‘even I’, ‘I for my part’, ‘but I’, ‘while I’, etc. The first term of the antithesis may be implied: Wel, dyma finnau ’n marw Ceiriog o.b. 110 ‘Well, now even I am dying’ [not somebody else this time; this is not said, but finnau implies it]. A conj. pron. often stands in apposition to a noun: Ynteu Pwyll wm. 11, cf. 12, 14 ‘he also, [namely] Pwyll’ i.e. Pwyll also; a gwyr Troea wynteu r.b.b. 20 ‘and the men of Troy on their part '. The 3rd sg. ynteu answers naill in the expression naill ai…ai ynteu ‘on the one hand either……or on the other hand’. From its unaccented use as ‘on the other hand’ it became a conjunction ‘then’: Paham, ynteu Ỻ.A. 13 ‘why, then?’ Pwy, ynteu do. 27 ‘who, then?’ Nyt oes un wreic, ynteu a.l. i 176 ‘there is no woman, then’. In Ml. W. pronouns of other persons are used instead of ynteu after ae, as kymer vedyẟ…ae titheu ymlaẟ c.m. 13 ‘receive baptism…or else fight’; as the subject of an impv. cannot come before it, titheu here replaces ynteu in ae ynteu ymlaẟ ‘or else fight’ under the influence of ymlaẟ ditheu ‘fight then!’
iv. Origin of the independent pronouns: (1) mi, Ir. mē < acc. *mē̆: Skr. mā, Gk. με (the Ir. mē seems to be *me lengthened, as original ē > Kelt. ī);—ti, Ir. tū < *tū: Lat. tū, Av. tū, Gk. τῡ́-νη, O.H.G. dū; ti partly also from Ar. acc. *t(u̯)e;—ef, O.W. em, Corn. ef, nom. ‑e, Ml. Bret, eff, Ir. ē, hē; f. hi, Corn. hy, Bret. hi, Ir. sī. The 3rd sg. pron. in Kelt. as in Germ. seems to have been *es or *is, f. *sī; thus O.H.G. er < *es: Ir. ē or hē < *es (: Umbr. es-to- ‘iste’); the Corn. nom. postfixed e may represent this; but in "W". it has been replaced by ef; W. ef < *emen < *em-em = O.Lat. em-em, redupl. acc. of *es, cf. Skr. im-ám < *im-em. As hi kept its h‑, it is unlikely that ef is for *hef, since the parallel could hardly fail to have been preserved; but in phrases where ef means ‘so’ there are traces of h‑, as in N.W. yntḗ, S.W. ontḗf e ‘is it not so?’ for onid hḗf (ef); here ef may be from *semo‑s ‘same’ = Skr. samáḥ ‘like, same’. W. hi < Ar. *sī: Goth. si, O.H.G. sī, si, Gk. ῑ̔́ (Sophocles); *sī is an ablaut variant of *s(i)i̯ā § 122 iv (1), f. of the pron. *s(i)i̯os, *s(i)i̯ā, *t(i)i̯od (Skr. syáḥ, syā́, tyád) a derivative of *so, *sā, *tod (Skr. sá, sā́, tát, Gk. ὁ, ἡ, τό).—Pl. nī, chwī, Ir. snī, sī < *s‑nēs, *s‑u̯ēs: Lat. nōs, vōs, Skr. naḥ, vaḥ (or, as the ē-grade is not certain elsewhere, < *snī, *su̯ī with nom. pl. ‑ī after o-stems);—w͡y, Ir. ē < *ei nom. pl. of *es; w͡ynt with ‑nt from the 3rd pl. of verbs (so Ml. Ir. īat).
(2) The redupl. forms are the simple forms repeated, originally as separate words: mi-vi < Brit. *mī́ mī́, etc. As ef seems itself to be a redupl. form it is natural that it is not found reduplicated (efe being a figment ii (5)); the emphatic form is efo. In Ml. W. this is chiefly
