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§ 114. i. The definite article is ỿr, ’r or ỿ. There is no indefinite article in Welsh.

ii. The full form ỿr is used before a vowel or h, as ỿr afon ‘the river’, ỿr haul ‘the sun’, dwfr yr afon, gwres ỿr haul; the ỿ is elided after a vowel, as ir afon ‘into the river’, or ‘from the house’; before a consonant the r is dropped, unless the ỿ has been elided as above, as ỿn ỿ ‘in the house’.

w- counts as a consonant : y waedd 'the cry'; t- as a vowel in Mn. W. yr iaith ' the language ' ; in Ml. W. as a vowel or a con- sonant, as yr iarll K.M. 188 1. 25 ; 189 11. 13, 30 ; 190 L 7 ; y iarll 189 11. 2, 20. As initial wy is wy 38 iv, we have in the standard language yr wy ' the egg ', yr wyr ' the grandson ', yr wyth ' the eight ', yr wythnos ' the week ', yr wylo ' the weeping ', yr wyneb ' the face ', yr wybren f the sky '. Similarly yr wyddfa ' Snowdon ', yr wyddgrug ' Mold ', with radical gwy- fern., see v.

iii. O. W. has only the first two forms, written ir and r ; thus ir tri ox. c the three ', ir pimphet do. ' the fifth ', ir bis bichan do. ' the little finger ', ir want do. ' the thumb ', ir guolleuni JL T V. ' the light ', or deccolion M.c. gl. decadibus, or bardaul leteinepp M.C. gl. epica pagina, dir escip L.L. 120 ' to the bishops '. After a diph- thong we have ir, as nou ir emid M.C. ' that of the brass '. The form y is in regular use in early Ml. W., as E betev ae gulich y glav B.B. 63 ' the graves which the rain wets'.

In Ml. W. r is used after a ' and ; with ', o ' from ', y c to ', a { nor ', no ' than ' ; but usually y or yr after other words ending in vowels, as kyrchu y llys, ... a chyrchu y bordeu W.M. 5, ttyna y llys do. 6, etc. The reason is probably that the article, as a proclitic, was generally joined to the following word, thus y% ' the court ', so that these groups became isolated in the scribe's mind, and were written in their isolated forms. On the other hand, the article could not be separated from the above monosyllables (cf. yny which is the regular form of yn y 'in the '), hence after these it assumes its postvocalic form. It was undoubtedly spoken r after all vowels then as now, except when a pause came between the words ; for we find early examples of r even after diphthongs ; thus kir Haw r eirccheid B.B. 10 'beside the suppliants', mi yw r iarll W.M. 137 'I am the earl', gwiryon yw r vorwyn do. 138 'the maid is innocent', erglyw r pob- loeS B.P. 1 20 1 'the peoples will hearken'. In some cases y is written where the metre requires r as Pa gur yw y porthawr ? B.B. 94 ' What man is the porter ? ', where we should have yw r, as the line is 5 syll. Sometimes yr is written before a consonant : Pieu ir bet B.B. 66 for pieu'r be81 'whose is the grave?'; llyma yr we8 K.M. 2 for llyma'r we8 ' this is the manner'. In the early Mn. bards 'r is regular, esp. after pure vowels; and it is general in later prose, e.g. the 1620 Bible, though not without exception here. Pughe attempted to substitute y for it everywhere, and under his influence y was adopted in many late edns. of the Bible, except after a, o, i, na. This pre- ference for y is chiefly due to the mistaken notion that r forms no part of the word, but was put in before vowels " for the sake of euphony ". We have seen above that the article is yr, and of the clipped forms 'r is older than y.

iv. The Ir. article is ind, after prepositions sind, from Kelt.

  • sendos, which gives W. hynn 'this', see 164 vi. This occurs in

W. in yn awr ' now ', lit. ' this hour' (O. Bret, annaor, Ir. ind or so), and y naill for *yn aill 165 (Bret, ann eil 166 iii, Ir. ind-ala), The art. in Corn, is en or an', in Ml. Bret, an; in Mn. Bret, ann before vowels, t-, d-, n- and h-, al before 1-, ar before other con- sonants (so the Bret, indef. art. eunn, eul, eur, from un ' one ').

Pedersen Gr. i 153 ff. quotes late examples of n > r after a cons, in Ir. dialects and Bret., and one or two cases of the change before a cons, as Ml. Ir. marbad for O.Ir. mainbad, Bret, mor-go 'horse collar' for *mon-go (obviously cases of dissim. of nasals). No such change as n > r is known in Welsh, which prefers to change r to the easier n 100 i (2). W. yr can only be identified with Ir. ind by a rule made ad hoc ; this is the only form of the art. in W. (yn awr is not ' the hour' but 'this hour') ; the -r abounds in the earliest period, and cannot be compared with Bret, -r, which is late, and may have spread from ar before r-. The fact that there is a demonst. pron. ar in W. used before the rel., see 164 v, makes the derivation of yr from Jtynn still less probable. There is no reason why the W. and Ir. articles should be the same word ; the use of a demonst. as art. is much later than the separation of the P and Q groups. Gaulish has no art.; Pedersen Gr. ii 177 quotes o-oo-iv ve/xr/rov 'this temple* as an example of the art. in Gaul., which is as if one were to quote in hoc tumulo from a Lat. iuscr. as an example of the Latin " article " hie.

Though common in the O. W. glosses and prose fragments, the art. seldom occurs in the early poetry; it is not found in juv. SK., and is rare in the B.A. : Gwyr a aeth Gatraeth '[the] men who went to Catraeth '. It does not occur in O. Corn, or O. Bret., see Loth Voc. 38 (ann is the demonst. in annaor above). Brit, no doubt had several demonstratives used before nouns; but the adoption of one to be used as an art. seems to be later than the separation of W., Corn, and Bret., and independent in each. The origin of the W. yr is not clear. Brit, had an ^-demonstrative seen in Ml. W. y tteill beside y neili 165 vi, cf. yU 160 i (2); and -I is more likely than -n to have become -r. But yr may come from a demonst. with locative -r- suffix, as in E. here, there, which might be declined with stem -ro-, cf. Lat. supra ; yr < *is-roa 1 cf. Lat. ille < [W 1]is-le.

v. The initial consonant of a fern. sg. noun (except II- and rh-) undergoes the soft mutation after the art.

Note initial gwy- : yr wyl ' the holiday ', yr wydd ' the goose ' ; initial gwy- : y wyrth ' the miracle ', y wys ' the summons '.

The mutation shows that the art. had the o/a-declension in Brit.


115. i. The old Keltic declension is lost in W., 4, 113 ; a noun has one form for all cases. This is usually derived from the old nominative, as ciwed ' rabble ' < Lat. clvitaa ; sometimes from the accusative, as ciwdod ' people ' < civitdtem. (In W., ciwed and ciwdod are different words, not different cases of the same word.) Traces of the oblique cases survive in adverbial and prepositional expressions, 215, 220.

ii. The noun in W. has two numbers, the singular and the plural. Traces of the use of the dual are seen in deurudd ' cheeks ', dwyfron ' breasts ', dwylaw ' hands ' ; the last has become the ordinary pi. of llaw ' hand '.

The dual of o-stems may have given the same form as the sg., as in Ir., where we have fer ' man' < *uiros, and fer '(two) men', apparently from *uir8, as *uiro would have given *fiur (cf. Gk. Svo, Vedic voc. -a ; but W. dau implies -o in *duuo itself). Thus W. dau darw 'two bulls' (deudarw p. 52), deu-wr L.G.C. 185 'two men' (-ivr keeps its sg. form while the pi. became gwyr 66 iii (i)). But in nouns with consonant stems the dual must have taken the same form as the pi. ; thus Ar. *uqso > W. ych ' ox ', but the dual *uqaene, and the pi. *uqsenes both gave ychen ; so we have Ml. W. deu ychen R.M. 121 'two oxen', deu vroder do. 26 'two brothers'; and, by analogy, dwy urrageS A.t,. ii 98 ' two women '. In Late Mn. W. the 8g. form only is used. The dual, whether it agreed in form with the sg. or the pi., formerly preserved the effect of its old vocalic ending in the soft mutation of a following adj., as deu wybel vonllwm W.M. 56 ' two bare-backed Irishmen ', y ddwy wragedd fywiogach L.G.C. 127 'the two women [who are] kinder '.

iii. In W. the noun has two genders only, the masculine and the feminine.

The following traces of the old neuter survive : (i) nouns of vacilla- ting gender 142 i. (2) The neut. dual in Kelt, had been reformed with -n on the analogy of the sing., e.g. Ir. da n-droch ' 2 wheels'; hence in W. after dau, some nouns, originally neuter, keep p-, t-, c- unmutated 106 iii (4) ; thus dau cant or deucant ' 200 ', dau tu or deutu ' both sides ' ; and by analogy dau pen or deupen ' two ends '.


116. The plural of a noun is formed from the singular either by vowel change or by the addition of a termination, which may also be accompanied by vowel change. But where the singular has been formed by the addition to the stem of a singular termination, this is usually dropped in the plural, and sometimes a plural termination is substituted for it, in either case with or without change of vowel. There are thus seven different ways of deducing the pi. from the sing. : i. change of vowel ; ii. addi- tion of pi. ending ; iii. addition of pi. ending with vowel change ; iv. loss of sg. ending ; v. loss of sg. ending with vowel change ; vi substitution of pi. for sg. ending ; vii. substitution of pi. for sg. ending with vowel change.

Parisyttabic Nouns.

117. i. The vowel change that takes place when the pi. is formed from the sg. without the addition or subtraction of an ending is the ultimate z-affection ; see 83 ii. This was originally caused by the pi. termination -l of 0-stems ; thus *bardos gave barb 'bard', but *bardt gave beirb 'bards'; and also by -i of neut. z-stems, as in myr ' seas ' < *morl 122 ii (4) ; possibly -u of neut. w-stems, but original examples are doubtful. Later, when the cause of the affection had been forgotten, it came to be regarded merely as a sign of the pi., and was extended to all classes of stems. Examples: Ml. and Mn. V?. march 'horse', pi. meirch ; tarw 'bull', pi. teirw ; carw ' deer ', pi. ceirw ; gwalch ' hawk ', pi. gweilch ; alarck 'swan', pi. eleirch, elyrck\ mini 'psalm', pi. Ml. seilym IL.A. 107, beside salmeu R.P. 1303, Mn. ialmau; llygad 'eye', pi. Ml. llygeit, Mn. llygaid ; dafad ' sheep ', pi. Ml. deveit, Mn. defaid ; bran ' crow ', pi. Ml. brein, Mn. iram ; Ml. manach, Ml. and Mn. mynach ' monk ', pi. Ml. meneick, myneich, Mn. menych, myneich (late mynachod) ; paladr ( beam, ray ', pi. peleidr, pelydr ; Mn. bustach ' bullock ', pi. bustych ; ML and Mn. w<?# ' stone ', pi. Ml. rnein, Mn. wa/ Dat. xvii 4 (later meini) ; cyllell ' knife ', pi. cyllyll; caztell 'castle', pi. ces/yll; gwaell ' knitting needle ', pi. gweyll D.G. 458 ; kerb ' song ', pi. kyrb R.P. 1245 (poet.) ; mor ' sea ',.pl. wyr D.G. 146 (poet. ; in prose generally moroedd) ; porth 'gate', pi. pyrth\ Cymro, pi. Cymry\ esgob 'bishop', pi. esgyb, see 129 i (i) ; amws W.M. 473 ( horse ', pi. emys do. 85 ; a*gwrn ( bone', pi. esgyrn ; croen f skin ', pi. crwyn ; oen ' lamb ', pi. wyn ; croet Across', pi. crwys, later croesau, but crzty* as late as Wms. 102.

Ni roddwn yn Hiraddug

Fy eleirch er dengmeirch dug. D.I.D., 1048/676 H., D. 36.

' I would not exchange my swans in Hiraddug for teu of a duke'a horses/

M'redudd Fychan Idn i lys,

Oedd ami i dda a'i emys. G.GL, 11146/188.

' Maredudd Fychan of the bright court, many were his goods and his horses.'

Myneich a rhent, main a chrwys,

Mintai rugl mewn tair eglwys. G.Gl., M 146/271.

' Monks with a rental, [and] stones and crosses, a prosperous com- munity in three churches.'

There does not seem to be an example of aw > eu in a pi. noun ; hut another affection aw > yw ( 76 v (2)) occurs in alaw ' water-lily ', pi. elyw B.T. 32.

ii. haearn ( iron ' has pi. heyrn, and rJtaeadr ' cataract ' has rheydr, rhyeidr 69 ii (3), 75 vi (3) ; pennog ' herring ' has penwaig 36 iii ; iwrch ( roebuck ' has qrch 36 ii, later iyrchod O. 167; gwr ' man' is for *gwwr and has pi. gwyr 66 iii (i), and so its compounds, as pregethwr ' preacher ', pi. pregethwyr ; gwrda ' goodman ', pi. gwyrda. D. 38 gives ieirch rh. with llenmirch ; but the pi. of Uannerch ' glade ' is llennyrch ; the correct reading seems to be t[rch/llennyrch Bee I.G. 287.

iii. Anomalous vowel changes occur in (i) troed ' foot ', pi. trued 65 ii (i) ; and ty l house ', pi. Ml. tei, Mn. tai 104 ii (2). The compounds of the latter have -tei Mn. -tai, or -tyeu Mn -tyau; as Mordei B.A. i, gwindei R.P. 1202 ' banqueting houses'; llettyeu R.P. 1274 ' lodgings', clafdyeu do. 1269 'hospitals', hundyeu W.M. 5 ' sleeping rooms'.

In Gwynedd -dai is generally accented, as beu-dai ' cow-houses ', pop-tai ' ovens ', gweith-dai ' workshops '; but eleusendai ' alms- houses '.

(2) Ml. W. biw ' ox ' (e. g. karcharaur goruit, cul biw B.B. 90 ' the horse is a prisoner, the ox is lean), pi. bu (e.g. can-mu W.M. 455 ' 100 oxen ') ; biw is also frequently pi., e. g. B.T. 59.

biw < Brit. *buus < *g v ous ; bu < *baues < *g^oues ; pi. biw from a re-formed *buues.

(3) Other cases are carreg, pi. cerrig (for cerryg] 77 i ; crogen, crag en, pi. cregin (for cregyii) 77 ii ; asyn ' ass ', Ml. pi. essynn W.M. 8 1, H.M. ii 226 (the irregularity is in the sg., where the orig. a was restored), Mn. pi. asynnod', llo ' calf ' pi. lloi for llo-i B.T. 59.

iv. Ml.W. pebyll m. 'tent' 70 i (ip\. pebylleu), Mn. pebyllsg. W.IL. 216, is treated as pi. in the Bible, with a new sg. pabell f., from Wm.S.'s hypothetic pabell Jiwn glossing y pebyll hynn sg. 2 Cor. v 4. It is generally supposed that amws is a similar, but natural and early, analogical sg. from emy* assumed to be pi. < admissus (rather *ammissus since -dm- > /") for admissdrius, but such an error is unlikely at an early period when the word was in common use ; e...y in the sg. is not unusual, e.g. ceffyl.

118. i. In many parisyllabic nouns, after the loss of the Brit, endings, the pi. was not distinguished from the sg. by affection as above. These were (i) neut. nouns, whose pi. ending -d did not affect ; thus Brit. *arganton, pi. *argantd > W. arian, which is sg. and pi. 133 ii. (2) Nouns in which the vowel is not capable of e'-affection (Brit, i, a, etc.) ; thus Lat. piscis, pi. pitce* > W. pysc ' fish' sg. K.M. 131, usually pi. (3) Nouns in which the vowel is affected in the sg. and pi. ; thus Brit. *uradiot, pi. *uradil > W. gwraidd ' root ' or c roots '.

ii. As it is inconvenient to have the same form for sg. and pi., new distinctions grew up. These took three forms: (t) Nouns belonging to the first of the above classes had their vowel affected to form a pi. ; probably some of those mentioned in 117 i are examples of this. (2) A pi. termination was added ; thus as Lat. meclicus, medicl had both become mebyg, a new pi. mebygon was formed ; and for ip\.j)y*ff a. collective pyscawt Mn. W. pytgod was used, 123 iii. (3) A eg. termination, m. -yn(n), f. -en(n) was added ; thus gwraidd in the sg. became gwreiddyn ; and as pysg continued to be used as a pi., a new sg. pysgodyn was formed from the pi. pyscawt.

Imparisyllabic Nouns.

119. The W. pi. terminations are the Brit, stem-endings of imparisyllabic nouns, which were lost in the sg. representing the old nom. sg., but survived in the pi. after the loss of the pi. endings *-es, neut. *-0, 113 i. Thus Lat. latro and its Brit. pi.

  • latrone8 gave W. lleidr, pi. lladron, by regular sound-change ;

then the -on of the latter and similar nouns naturally came to be regarded as a pi. ending, and was added to nouns of other declen- sions where a pi. sign was needed, as to meddyg, see above. Such additions were made on some analogy, mostly of meaning, sometimes of form.

120. i. Mn. W. -au, Ml. W. -eu, O. W. -ou comes from Brit. *'-<?#<?*, *'-oua the pi. endings of a-stems ; thus Brit. *katus, pi. *kdtoues, gave W. cad ' battle ', pi. cadau. This termination spread and became the commonest in W. (and Bret.). It was added to

(i) <nost names of common objects ; 2&penn-eu W.M. 41, Mn. W. pennau ' heads ' ; clust-en ib., Mn. clugtjau ' ears ' ; guefl-eu ib., Mn. gweflau ' lips' ; amrann-eu ib., E.P. 1270, Mn. amrannau, late amrantau, sg. amrant ' eyelid ' ; arv-eu W.M. 7, Mn. arfau l arms ' ; tly**-eu do. 37, Mn. tlysau, sg. tlws 'jewel' ; loygou L.L. 120 (gg E ), llongeu W.M. 39, Mn. llongau 'ships'; badeu W.M. 39, Mn. badau ' boats ' ; tonnou JITV., Ml. tonneu, Mn. tonnau ' waves ' ; pebylleu W.M. 44 ' tents ' ; betev (t = 8) B.B. 63, Mn. beddau ' graves ' ; fruytheu, llannev do. 56, ^Hn.ffrwylkan ' fruits ', ttannau ( churches ', etc. So drysau ( doors ', cadeiriau ' chairs ', canhwyllau 1 candles ', llyfrau ' books ', etc. etc.

The chief exceptions are nouns taking -i, see 122 ii (2), and names of implements taking -ion, 121 ii (2).

(2) Some nouns denoting persons, as tad an ' fathers ' ; mamau ' mothers'; kenkadeu W.M. 184 ' messengers ', Late Mn. W. cenhadon ; meicheu W.M. 25 ( sureties ', now meichiau ; dwyweu K.B.B. 67 c gods ', Mn. W. duwiau ; fern, nouns in -es, as breninesau ' queens ', etc.

(3) A few names of animals, as hebogeu W.M. 12 'hawks'; keffyleu W.M. 119 ; keilogeu IL.A. 165 ; bleiddiau 123 iv (4).

(4) Many abstract nouns, as drygau ' evils' ; brodyeu R.P. 1238 'judgements ' \poeneu W.M. 49, poenau ' pains ' ; gofidiau ' sorrows '; meddylyeu 121 ii (3) < thoughts', etc. ; and abstract derivatives in -ad or -lad, -aeth, -as, -fler, -did, -dod, -edd, -yd ; as bwriadau f intentions ', gweledigaethau 'visions', priodasau 'weddings', mwynderau ( delights ', gwendidau ' weaknesses ', pererindodau ' pilgrimages ', Iroseddau ' transgressions ', clefydau ' fevers'. Also some names of times, seasons, etc., after dieu 132 (2) : oriau 'hours'; bore-en R.P. 1290 'mornings' ; noweu C.M. i, sg. nos ' night ', wythnosau ' weeks ' ; but misoedd, blynyddoedd 122.

(5) The neologists of the 1 6th cent, took aroglau ' smell ' for a pi., in spite of popular usage which treats it as sg. to this day. They manufactured a sg. arogl and a v.n. arogli, vb. aroglaf, which with various derivatives are used in the Bible. But the word is aroglau, see arogle.u IL.A. 81 translating "odor" 232, vb. arogleuaf B.T. 79, v.n. arogleuo, present-day coll. 'ogleuo.

ii. When -an is added to a stem ending in i, 35, the com- bination is -iau ; e.g. O.W. hestoriou, clorimi, enmeituou, dificiuou 25 i, Ml. W. grulyen W.M. 140, Mn. W. gruddiau 'cheeks' ; glivyeu W.M. 434, gliniau ' knees '. In Mn. W. jau is used after -ei-, as geiriau ' words ' 35 ii. It came to be generally used to form new plurals, especially of borrowed words, e. g. words in -p, -t, -c, 51 ii, as hetiau 'hats', capian 'caps', brat{an ' aprons ' (but Ml. W. bralteu W.M. 23 ' rags '), carpiau ' rags ', llancian ' youths ', etc. iii. (1) In Brit, the nora.-acc. sg. neut. ending must in some cases have been *-u (instead of *-w), cf. Lat. cornu, etc. (so sometimes in Skr., see Brugmann 2 II ii 144), as in *dakru > W. deigr 'tear* (e.g. Ifawer deigyr a wyleis i H.M. ii 129 ' many a tear have I wept', bob deigr Dat. vii 17 " TTOV SaKpvov"). The pi. ending might be *-oua (< *-uu9) or -u (< *'UU9 contracted, 63 vii (2)); deigr 'tears' from the latter is doubtful, though used by Gr.O. 50 ; the former gives the usual pi. dagrau 76 iii (2). See also 125 iii Note.

(2) cainc 'branch' may be a fern. Ma-stem, with nom. sg. in -u, Thurneysen Gr. 182 ; thus cainc < *kawku, pi. cangau, Ml. W. cageu B.B. 48 <*kd'K>kouas.

iv. The pi. ending -au does not affect a preceding vowel, see 76 iii (2); cegeu B.B. 47 is a scribal error as shown by cageu 48.

n-stems. § 121. i. -ion and -on come from Brit, -iones and -ones, pi. ending-s of w-stems.

The Brit, forms were *-U < *-o, pi. -ones, as in Brittones; but *-iu < -t5, pi. -tones, as in Verturiones, Gaul. Suessiones, seems to have predominated, as in Goidelic (Thurneysen Gr. 202). Hence the greater prevalence of -ion. in W. Borrowed words were of course declined like native, and Lat. latrones > Brit. *latrones > W. lladron.

In Ar., nouns in -o(n), -io(n), -iw(n) (loss of -n 101 ii (4)) were (a) nomina agentis, frequently from adjectives with o-, to-, iio- stems ; thus Gk. orpaj3a>v ' squinter' : orrpa/?o's ' squinting ' ; ovpavitav ' heavenly one ' : ovpavtos ' heavenly '; (6) abstract nouns, as Lat. ratio. Thus the use of -ion in W., which is added to names of persons and instruments, and to abstract nouns, corresponds roughly to the original value of the suffix.

-on goes back to Brit, in nouns in which the vowel is affected in the sg., 125 iii ; after -hai < *-sa^i5, pi. -heion re-formed for *-haeon < *-sagiones, and after -ydd, pi. -yddion, re-formed for -yon < -itones, as in gweryddon 110 ii (3). But in most cases it is a new addition in W., as in ymerodron, pi. of ymherawdr < Lat. imperdtor. W. dynion is also prob. an analogical formation, for Ir. duine implies *doniios, and Bret, and Corn, use lud, tus ' people ' for the pi. The adj. *donios and its pi. *donn would both give dyn, to which -ion was added to form the new pi.

ii. -ion is added to (i) many norms denoting persons, as dyn ' man ', pi. dynion ; mob ' boy, son ', pi. meibion, Ml. meibon 35 ii (i), O. W. vnepion 70 ii (i) ; givas ' servant ', pi. gweision, Ml. gweisson W.M. 33 ; wyr ' grandson '. pi. wyrion, Ml. wyron JI.B.B. 49 ; gwaslrawd ' groom ', pi. gwastrodyon W.M. 33 ; including derivatives in ~(h]ai, -ydd, -og Ml. -awe, -or Ml. -awr, -iff, -awdr, as gweslai 'guest', pi. gwesteion IL.A. 168 ; crydd, pi. cryddion, Bret, kere, pi. kereon 86 i (5) ; gwehydd ' weaver ', pi. gwehyddion ; marchog ' knight ', pi. marchogion ; cantor ' singer ', pi. cantorion ; pendefig ' chieftain ', pi. pendefigion ; dysgawdr ' doctor ', pi. dysgodron (in Recent "W. re-formed as dysgawd-wr, -wyr) ; and adjectives used as nouns 145 iii. In a few cases the ending is -on, as meddygon 118 ii ; Iddew 'Jew', pi. Iddewon, Ml. W. Ibewon IL.A. 19, loeon do. 17; athrawon^ etc. 125 iii.

(2) Some names of implements : cyn ' chisel ', pi. cynion ; ebill ' auger ', pi. ebillion ; trosol ( bar, lever', pi. trosolion ; ysffol, Ml. yscawl 'ladder ', pi. ysgotion, Ml. yscolyon W.M. 189 ; ysgolion 'schools ' follows this probably.

(3) Some abstract nouns : rhybuddion ' warnings ' (Ml. rybubyeu W.M. 72) ; esgusion ' excuses ' ; trafferthion ' troubles ' ; with -on : gofalon ' cares ' ; cysuron ' comforts ' ; but most take -au 120 i (4). H.M. has meddylion ii 194, M 147/639 R., for the usual meddyliau, Ml. W. mefylyeu R.P. 1201, 1303.

(4) ebol, Ml. ebawl ' colt ', pi. ebolion, Ml. eboJyon W.M. 45 ; keneu, see 125 iii ; planhigion ' plants ', sg. planhig-yn.

iii. -en < Brit. *-enes < Ar. *-enes survives only in yclien 'oxen', sg. yc^ 69 v ; and in Ml. W. Pry den 'Picts' (Gynt a Gwyfyl a Phryden B.A. 24 ' Danes and Irish and Picts '), O. W. Priten GEN. xix.

Ar -en- was the F-grade of the suffix, of which -on- was the F- grade, and -on the L-grade 63 iii.

The first occurrence of the misspelling ychain, 31 ii (2), known to me is in Rhydychain in the title of the 1690 Bible ; it did not come into common use before the ipth cent. The form is always ychen in Ml. W. and in the rhymes of the bards before the recent period. See ychen W.M. 480, R.M. 121, B.T. 59, IL.A. 109, K.P. 1241, M.A. i 230, 426 ; ryt ychen ' Oxford ' see indexes of R.M. and R.B.B.

Da'r artfd ychen mewn pen pant. W.1L. F. 8. ' Well do oxen plough at the end of a valley.'

Dig wyf am d&wi go/eg

Yn pen yn Jthydycben deg. H.D. (m. I.H.S.), P 100/125.

' I am wroth because the muse of our chief is silenced in fair Oxford.' See ben/ychen D.G. 400, gen/ychen do. 318, men/ychen L.G.C. 189; wen/ Khydychen S.Ph. c.c. 189; rryd ychen/dakn P 54/2 42 R.

iv. The R-grade ₑn of the stem-ending became -ann- in Kelt. 62 i (2). In Ir. it appears as -ann ; in W. as a pi. ending it was affected in every case to -ein(ri), tending to become -eint or to be replaced by -eu. The affection prob. comes from neut. dual forms, of which the ending in Pr. Ar. was *-i. Thus Ml. W. ysgyveint M.M. 2, Mn. W. ysgyfaint ' lungs ' < *squm e n-i, old neut. dual ; the noun has no sg. ; O.W. anu ' name ' pi. emtein. Ml. W. pi. enweu, with a new sg. enw, Mn. W. enw, pi. enwau (the a- survived in anwedig G.R. [122, 220], Gwyn. dial. 112 i (2)) : Ir. ainm, pi. anmann, neut.; cam 'step', O.W. pi. cemmein, now camau : Ir. ceim, pi. ceimmenn, neut. ; -irhwym ' band ', 0. W. pi. ruimmein, now rhwymau ; gof 'smith ', also gofan(ri) B.T. 7, pi. Ml. W. goveyn A.L. i 72, Mn. W. gofaint : Ir. goba, gen. gobann; edn 'bird ', once ednan M.A. i 195, pi. ednein (printed ednain M.A. i 207), etneint B.P. 1245, Mn. ednaint Gr.O. 10; llw 'oath', Ml. W. pi. cam lydn IL.A. 158, camlyeu R.P. 1201 ' false oaths ', Mn. W. llwon, Gwyn. dial, llyfon.


122. i. -i, -ydd, -oedd, -edd represent the Brit, endings of i- } io-, id- and ie- stems.

ii. /-stems, (i) The vowel is not affected in the sg. All the above endings occur in the pi.

The Ar. nom. endings were m.f. sg. *-is, pi. *-eies ; neut. ?g. *-i, pi.

  • -iid, *~t. In Brit, the sg. *-is, *-i became *-es, *-e and did not cause

affection; the pi. *-eies became *-iies which gave -i, -ydd or -oedcTaccord- ing to the accentuation 75 v, iv; the neut. pi. *-n > *-iia>-edd or -oedd according to accentuation ; and *-l affected the preceding vowel and dropped.

(2) -i and -ydd both form the pi. of tref ' town ' ; thus trewi (= trefi) B.B. 54, trewit ( = trefy$) do. 91, Mn.W. trefi 160 iii (2), and tref ydd D.G. 3 ; cantref ' cantred ' makes canfrevoeb E.B.B. 407 ff., but Mn. W. cantref-i, -ydd like tref; see 75 iv, v.

eglwys ' church ' follows tref in Mn.W. (eglwysyb p 147/5 R -)> but Ml. W. has eglwysseu E.P. 1046, M.A. i 2730. In. Ml. W. fforest follows tref: foresti E.B.B. 199, fforestyt> R.M. 195, Mn. W. fforestydd only, plwyf 'parish ' (a late meaning) also takes -i or -ydd in Recent W., but earlier plwyvau M.A. ii 613.

-i was added to some names of persons : saer ' craftsman ', pi. seiri W.M. 189 ; maer f steward ', pi. meiri B.B. 54 ; cawr 'giant ', pi. cewri (rarely ceuri) 76 iv (3) ; mert/iyr * martyr ', pi. mert/iyri IL.A. 126; prophwydi ib. ; arglwydd, pi. arglwybi M.A. i I98a ; so all in Mn. W. (in Late W. mertkyron also). -i was also added to many names of things with e or a in the sg., the -i of course affecting the latter; as llestr-i W.M. 6 'vessels'; gwernenn-i a hwylbrenn-i do. 5 1 ' masts and yards '; canhwyllbrenn-i, also -au, both in I Chron. xxviii 15 ' candle- sticks '; fenestr-i M.A. i 2j6a 'windows'; cethr-i I.G. 584 'nails'; pertJi-i R.P. 1272 'bushes'; banier-i M.A. i 197$ 'banners ', sg. baniar ; per-i ib. ' spears ', sg. par ; defn-i ' drops ' 202 v (3), for dafneu R.P. 1184 ; der-i R.P. 1318 ' oaks ', sg. ddr f.

The use of -i has been extended in Mn. W. ; thus Ml. W. kerbeu W.M. 6 ' songs ', Mn. W. cerddi T.A. and later ; Ml. W. garbeu R.B.B. 145 ' gardens ', Mn. "W. gerddi D.G. 258 ; Ml. W. llwyneu R.B.B. 40 'bushes', so llwynau D.G. 60, later llwyni; Ml. W. mein ' stones ' (sg. maeri), Late Mn. W. meini (Ml. meini in ZE. 284 is an error for mein, see R.M. 196, 1. 5) j beddi B.CW. 59 beside the usual beddau, Ml. beteu (t = 8) B.B. 63.

(3) -ydd and -oedd are found in avon-it ( = -yb) B.B. 91 ' rivers ', avon-oeb R.B.B. 40, Mn. W. afonydd; gwladoeb M.A. i 1990, c.M. 2, R.B.B. 44, W.M. 190, later gwledyb in the last-quoted passage in R.M. 91, Mn. W. gwledydd ; keyryb W.M. 192 'castles', kaeroeb R.P. 1230, also caereu B.A. z6, Mn. "W. keyrydd "W.IL. 64, caerau G.G1. M 146/163 ; dinassoeb W.M. i9o,R.M. 91, 93,Mn.W.^'wa0(?^, rarely dinessyb p 147/5 R -> Gr.Gl. p 152/201. They are added to nouns in -fa, as Mn. W. porfeydd, porfaoedd ' pastures ' (most of them with only one in use), Ml. W. tyrvahoeb R.P. 1241 'crowds' ; as well as -an, Ml. W. -eu : presswylvaeu IL.A. 57 ' habitations ', eistebvaen do. 62, ' seats ' (-aeu later contr. to -au).

-ydd alone occurs in meyssyb R.P. 1 188 ' fields ', Mn. W. meysydd (wrongly spelt meusydcfy, sg. maes ; heolyb R.M. 175 'streets'; bro-y R.P. 1189 'regions'; dolyb do. 1188 'meadows' (also doleu B.T. 33) ; gweunyb R.P. 1286 ' meadows', sg. gweun,gwaun lluoss-it (= -y$) B.B. 66, R.P. 1188 ' hosts ', sg. lliaws ; nentydd 'brooks', poet, naint D.G. 25, sg. nant\ coedydd 'trees', y stormy dd ' storms ', etc.

(4) Old neut. nouns take -oedd or -edd, sometimes alternating with vowel-affection ; as mor m. ' sea ', pi. moroedd < *m6riia beside myr < *mori, 117 i; dant m. 'tooth', pl. dannedd < *dantna beside deint R.P. 1036, daint D.D. s.v. ; deint is also sg., see iii (2). -oedd may be orig. m. or f. also, see (i). -edd and -oedd are added to nouns orig. of other declensions as follows :

-e8 in Ml. W., -oedd in Mn. W. are added to tir m. ' land ' (an old neut. *-stem), pi. tiret (-t = -8) B.B. 33, tireb R.B.B. 40 (beside tirion 35 iii), Mn. W. tiroedd D.G. 436, 524 ; mynydd m. 'mountain' (< *mon{io-), pi. mynybeb W.M. 250, B.T. n, P.B.B. 40, Mn. mynyddoedd ; dwfr m. ' water ' (neut. o-stem), pi. dyfreb IL.A. 54, 65, Mn. dyfroedd.

myny&eS having hecome mynySe in S. W. dialects (cf. eiste 1 1 iv (3)), this was wrongly standardized as mynyddau by some recent writers, but the traditional lit. form mynyddoedd prevails. The same remark applies to blynyddoedd, now sometimes written blynyddau for dial, blynySe < *blyny?>e8. In the above words -oeS may be old as a N. W. form, the prevailing forms in Ml. W. being S. W.

-oedd was added to cant m. 'hundred' (neut. o-stem), pi. cannoedd ; nerth m. ' strength ' (neut. o-stem) ; mil f. ( thousand ' ; mur m. 'wall', pi. muroeb W.M. 191, muroedd G. 237, later murlau ; llu m. ' host ' (m. 0-stem), pi. lluoeb R.M. 1 75, Mn. lluoedd\ byd m. ' world ^ (m. -stem), pi. bydoeb M.A. i 199, Mn. bydoecld ; nifer m. 'host', pi. niveroeb W.M. 54, Mn. niferoedd ; mis m. ' month ', pi. misoedd ; teyrnas f. ' kingdom ', pi. tyrna&soeb W.M. 50, Mn. teyrnasoedd ; twr m. 'tower' (< E. < Fr.), pi. tyroeb W.M. 191, tyreu do. 133, Mn. tyrau\ iaith f. 'language', pi. ieithoeb W.M. 469, B.T. 4, Mn. ieit/ioecld; gwledd f. 'feast', pi. gwleddoedd D.G. 524, gwleddau do. 8 ; gwi&g f. ' dress ', pi. gwisgoedd ; oes f. ' age ', pi. O. W. oisou (with 3 added at some distance, see fac. B.S.CH. 2, for ' deest * according to Lindsay, EWS. 46), Ml. W. oessoeb IL.A. 103, oeweu B.T. 15, 19, Mn. W. oesoedd, oesau ; achoet (t = 8) B.B. 53> ^ n - adtoedd, achan 'lineage' both in L.G.C. 213, sg. ach f. ; dyfnderoedd 'depths', blinder-oedd, ~au ' troubles '.

iii. 7o-stems. (i) The vowel is affected in the sg. ; the pi. ends in -ydd, -oedd, -edd.

The Ar. nom. endings were m. sg. *-(i)ios, pi. *-(t)t5s ; neut. sg. *-(i)iom, pi. *-(i)ia. In Kelt. *-(i)ios gave place to *-(i)ioi > *-(t)u; this gave -y8 or -oeS according to the accent ; neut. *-?* gave -e8 ; e8 in m. nouns is prob. for -oeS. Where neither sg. nor pi. had i before t, we had e.g. dyn ' man ' and ' *men '; then a new dynion for the latter 121 i. (2) Ml. W. bugeil 'shepherd', pi. bugelyb IL.A. 109, R.B.B. 245 < *boukolios pi. *boukoUn. This was a rare type, and in Mn. W. a new pi. was formed : bugail, pi. bugeiliaid. But the f. adain ' wing ' (m-stem), pi. adanedd, had a new pi. made by affecting 1 this, as if the word belonged to the -io- declension : adain, pi. adenydd 125 iii.

The word for ' tooth ' seems partly to have passed over to this declension ; thus *d antion pi. *dantna giving sg.deint IL.A. 67 trans- lating "dens", Mn. W. daint, as heb un-daint D.G. 323 'without one tooth ', pi. dannedd as for sg. dant ii (4) above. In Gwyn. dial, the sg. is daint.

The ending was -oe8 in brenhinoet B.B. 53 ' kings ',Mn. W. brenhinoedd ; but the more usual Ml. form is breenhineb L.L. 120, bren/tineb W.M. 178-9, prob. with -eb for -oeb 78 ii. So teyrneb R.P. 1313, D.G. 181 'kings', ewythreb R.M. 140 'uncles' ; cystlwn ' family ', pi. cystlyneb R.P. 1267.

Cystlynedd Gwynedd i gyd,

Gynafon Hwlcyn he/yd. G.G1. M i/no. 49.

' All the families of Gwynedd, and the scions of Hwlcyn too.'

iv. Fern, ie- and /a-steras. (i) The vowel is affected in the sg. PI. ending -edd.

ie- and ta-stems have R-grade forms in -I, p. 81. In Lat. and Bait, they remain distinct or have become so (Lat. duritia ; durities). In Kelt, they seem to be mixed, see Thurneysen, Gr. i8of. ; hut as e > 1 in Kelt., the meaning of the facts is often obscure. In other branches -ie- and -id- are indistinguishable. The W. sg. may come from *-id, *-ie, or *-l; pi. -e8 < *-iids.

(2) blwyddyn f year ' (Ir. blladain) < *bleidonl, pi. blynedd < *bUdniias 125 v (i) ; this pi. form is used only after numerals ; for other purposes a new pi. was formed by adding -edd to the sg., as blwybyneb W.M. 37, then by metath. blwynybeb IL.A. 105, Mn. W. blynyddoedd, S. W. dial. blynybe(b) (whence latterly a false blynyddau see ii (4)). modryb ' aunt ' < *mdtr-aq*l (</oq** 69 ii (4)), pi. modrabedd c.c. 282 (so in Gwyn. dial.; -0-<sg.) < ^mdtrac^'iids ; the form modrybeb R.P. 1362 seems to be remade from the sg., as modreped ox. 2. edau ' thread ', pi. edafedd 76 vii (i) ; adain ' wing' pi. adanedd, etc., see 125 iii.

blivydd means ' a year of one's age ' or adj. ' year old ' pi. blwydd- iaid, 145 iii Note, ttirblwydd 'three years old', ],ymtheymlavy& R.B.B. 185 'fifteen years old ', etc. The use by recent writers of llwydd for ' year ' is as foreign to the spoken language as it is to the literary tradition, and the forms bltvyddau, blwyddi for ' years ' are pure fabrications.

(3) -edd, later replaced by -ydd, was added to *chw'ior <

  • suesores, the pi. of chwaer' sister', as chwioreb IL.A. 38, R.B.B.

39, W.M. 158 ; in the last passage chicioryb in R.M. 226 ; Mn. W. chw'i6redd T.A., Wm.S., later only chwidrydd ; 75 vi (2).


123. i. -ed < Brit. *-ete* occurs in merched 'daughters', Ml. W. merchet W.M. 469, merched (d = d) 468 ; pryfed ' worms ', Ml. W. pryved (d = d) B.B. 81. D.G. has hued 30, 93 'hounds' (sg. huad W.IL. 166, O.G. c 82 s.v.). In Ml. W. we also have guyttviled B.B. 53 ' beasts ' ; and in O. W. atinet bronnlreitket ox. gl. cicadae.

The stem-form is seen in Gaul. Cing-es, gen. -etos, and Nemetes ' nobiles ? ' beside the -eto- stem in nemeto- ' temple '. As it seems to have been used to form names of persons it may be original in merch, which would so be from *merke(s)8 < *merkets (pi. *merketes) < *mer(i)k-et- : Skr. maryakdh 101 iv (i), Vmerei- 125 v (i). pryf is an old t-stem 61 i (i), ending therefore in *-es (< *-t), which seems to have been mistaken for *-() < *-ets.

ii. -od, Ml. W. -ot < Brit. *-otes occurs in llygod ' mice ', sg. llyg (< */w^o(#).f) and llygoflen (Ir. luch 'mouse', gen. lochad, Bret, logodenn, pi. logod) : Gaul. Lucot-ios, AOVKOT-IKVOS.

The above is an example of the survival in "W. of Brit, -ot- as seen by its cognates ; but the ending -od became fertile in the formation of new plurals. It was added to diminutives, and forms with gemination, which is a peculiarity of child language, and of names of animals 93 iii (2).

(i) It was added to most names of animals : llewot W.M. 229, IL.A. 165 'lions', now Uewod\ eryrot IL.A. 167 'eagles', now eryrod ; llydnot R.M. 52, W.M. 73, now llydnod, sg. llwdn ' pullus ' ; hybot W.M. 158, now hyddod 'stags'; gwlberot do. 229, now gwiberod 'vipers'; ednot IL.A. 130, now eduod 'birds' (also ednainf, 121 iv, and in O. W. atinet i above). In Mn. W. cathod, ttwynogod, ewlgod (Ml. W. ewigeb R.M. 118), ysgyfarnogod, crancod (Bardsey crainc, so G.Gr. P 77/193), colomennod, etc.

(2) It was added to some names of persons : gwibonot W.M. 178 'witches'; meudwyot IL.A. 117 'hermits' (also meudwyaid D.G. 409) ; gwrach 'hag-', pi. gwrachiot P 12/124 R., Mn. W. gwrachtod D.G. 332, in which -od seems to be added to an old pi. *gwrecki (cf. the adj. gwrachiaidd).

Er wyn a gwldn arwain glod

A chywydd i wrachtod. I.B.H., BE. iv 104.

' For lambs and wool he brings praise and song to old women.'

It is found in genetkod ( girls ' sg. genetJi (old geminated form, 93 iii (2)) ; and is added to diminutives in -an, as in babanod ' babies ', llebanod ' clowns ' (whence by analogy the biblical pullicanod) ; in -ach, as in bwbackod ' bugbears ', corachod 'dwarfs ' (by analogy in Late W. mynachod for myneich ' monks ') ; in -yn(n) or -en(n), as in lliprynnod 'weaklings ', mursennod ' prudes ', dyhirod ' knaves ' sg. dyhiryn ; and to other nouns originally in a con- temptuous sense, as eurychod ' tinkers,' twrneiod a chlarcod B.CW. 62, Gwyddelod in Late W. for Gwyddyl ' Irishmen ', Ffrancod for Ffrainc. The substitution in Late W. of -od for another ter- mination in the names of relatives etc. comes from child-language, as in tadmaelhod Esa. xlix 23 for tadmaethau. Ml. W. tatmaetheu W.M. 37 ; ewythrod for ewythredd 122 iii (2), cyfnitherod for cyfnitheroedd W.3L. C.IL. 132.

(3) It occurs after a few names of things : (a) geminated forms, or what appeared to be such, as cyckod sg. cwch ' boat ' ; nythod ' nests ', Ml. W. nethod (e =y ) A.L. i 24 ; bythod, sg. Iwth ' hut ' ; (|3) diminutive forms, as tenynnod ' halters ' sg. tennyn ; bythynnod 'cottages ', sg. bwthyn ; and by false analogy Mn. W. tyddynnod ' small farms ', for Ml. W. tyfynneu A.L. i 1 68, 182 ; bwlanod sg. bwlan ' a vessel of straw ' ; (y) some names of coins : dimeiot R.B.B. 384 now dimeiau ' halfpennies ' ; ffyrlligot ib. now ffyrlingod 'farthings'; fjloringod D.G. 287 'florins', hatMngod ' half-farthings ' ; (8) personifications etc. : angheuod B.CW. 65 ' death-sprites ' ; eilunod ' idols ', erthylod ' abortions '.

iii. Ml. W. -awt occurs in pyscawt R.M. 52, W.M. 73, R.B.B. 149, B.T. 8, B.B. 89 'fish' < Lat.j9wm/w, 118 ii (a); and in gonvy^awt B.T. 36 ' horses ', sg. (jorwyb ; etystrawt B.T. 70 ' horses ' sg. eddystr or eddettr. The first survives as pysgod, in which the ending- is now indistinguishable from old -od.

iv. -laid, Ml. W. -yeit, -eit, is the pi. formed by affection of the ending- -m/7, Ml. W. -yat 143 iv (5) ; thus offeiriad ' priest ' pi. o/eiriaid, Ml. W. offeireit IL.A. 117. All names of living things in -ad (except cariad) form their pi. so ; thus ceinyeid M.A. i 285 ' singers ', Ueityeid (t = 8) ib. now lleiddiaid ' murderers ', gleissyeid ib., now gleisiaid, sg. gleislad ' salmon ' ; but abstract nouns in -iad have -iadau 120 i (4); cariad 'lover' is the same as cariad ' love ' and has pi. cariadau Hos. ii 5, 7, 10.

But -laid is also added to form the pi. of names of living things whose sg. does not end in -iad :

(1) Names of classes and descriptions of persons : personnyeit IL.A. 117, now personiaid, sg. person ' parson ' ; conffessorieit do. 70 ; raclovyeit W.M. 456, Mn. W. rJ/aglafiaid, sg. rhaglaw ' deputy ' ; larwnyeit R.M. 179, now banMiatd. sg. larwn 'baron'; mak- wyveit W.M. 15, macktoyeit R.M. 9, sg. maccwy(f) ' youth' ; lyleyn- yeyt A.L. i 24, sg. lilaen R.B.B. 123 'villain'; cytJireulyeit M.A. i 25 1 5 'devils' ; ysgwieryeit s.G. II 'squires'; in Mn. W. pen- naelhiaid Ps. ii 2, sg. pennaeth ; estroniaid ' strangers ', meutraid ' masters ', gefeilliaid ( twins ', Protestaniaid, Met/iodisliaid, etc. Also adjectives used as nouns, 145 iii.

(2) Tribal and national names : Albany eit R.B.B. 271, also Albanwyr do. 270, sg. Albanwr ' Scotchman ' ; Corannyeit R.M. 96, no sg. ; Brytanyeit do. 9 1 , no sg. ; y Groecieit a'r Lhadinieit J.D.R. [xiv] ' the Greeks and Latins ' ; Rhufeiniaid, Corinlhiaid, etc. Also family and personal names : y Llwydiaid ' the Lloyds ', y Lleisioniaid L.G.C. no ' the Leyshons ', Koytmoriaid p 61/33 R.

(3) All names in -ur of living things \pecJiadury eit IL.A. 152 now pechaduriaid, sg. pechadur ' sinner ' ; kreaduryeit do. 4, now creaduriaid, sg. creadur ' creature ' ; awdurieid J.D.B. [xiv], awduryeit R.P. 1375, sg. awdur ib. 'author' (the pi. awduron seems to come from the gorseddic writings, the source of numerous fabrications) ; ~M.n.W.ffoaduriaid, cysgaduriaid, henuriaid, etc.

Other nouns in -ur take either -taw, as gwniaduriau ' thimbles ', pladuriau ' scythes ', or -au aspapivrau ' papers ', mesurau ' measures ', or -on as murmuron, cysuron. (4) Some generic names of animals; as anifelleit IL.A. '165, W.M. 238, now anifeiliaid, sg. anifail ' animal' ; mileit R.M. 129, Mn. W. milod, sg. mil ' animal ' ; so bwystmleit R.B.B. 40 now bwystfilod, sg. bwy$tfil\ ysgrubliaid Gen. xlv 17 'beasts'. Also a few specific names, as cameleit IL.A. 165, Mn. W. camelod ; Mn. W. bleiddiaid Matt, vii 15 ' wolves', also bleiddiau T.A. G. 233, Ml. Ueybyeu M.A. ii 230 ; gwenoliaid D.G. 20, sg. gwennol ( swallow '.

Strictly, of course, -laid is not a t-stem but a to-stem; thus ~iad from *-iatos, pi. -iaid < *-iatl.

v. -ant < Brit. *-antes, m. f. pi. participial ending occurs in carant B.A. 14, B.B. 46, IL.A. 153, R.M. 130, sg. car 'kinsman' < *karants (Ir. care < *karants) < *1c e r- : Armen. ser ' progeny > family ', E. >for-r7, Lat. cresco, "/leer- ' grow '. In Early Ml. W. carant was already affected into kereint C. M.A. i 244, Mn. W. ceraint, later also cerynt M.K. [71] f kinsmen' (not 'lovers'). On the analogy of this was formed the pi. of Ml. W. nei (now nat) ' nephew' : neyeynt A.L. i 8, nyeint W.M. 89, IL.A. i2i,Mn.W. neiaint ; and ofceifn ' 3rd cousin ' : keywneynt ( = keivneinf) B. CH. 76 defined ib. as ' children of the 4th mother ' (those of the 2nd being 'cousins', etc.). Ml. W. meddweint IL.A. 55 'drunkards' may be an old participial form. A few other nouns have -eint, Mn. W. -aint affected for an earlier *-ann, 121 iv.


124. i. -er < Brit. *-eres occurs in Iroder W.M. 38, R.M. 26, later affected to brodyr R.M. 140 ; Iroder survived, as in T.A. G. 229, Wm.S. e.g. Act. xv 23, but was at length ousted by brodyr, cf. 122 iv (3). In Ml. W. brodorion also is used, R.M. 203, 207. Sg. brawd ' brother', 59 ii, 63 iii.

brodorion also meant 'fellow-countrymen, clansmen ' B.B. 5 r > 55 (cf. Gk. <paTo>p); in Late Mn. W. it came to mean 'natives'; brodor ' a native ' is a new sg. deduced from this pi.

-yr was added (instead of the old -awr) to gwayw ' spear ' (also in Mn. W. ' pain '), giving gwaewyr C.M. 48, but more usually gwewyr R.B. 1074 (for *gweywyr}.

Of era' gwaith fu i'r gwyr

Eliaw tl i wewyr. D.N., p 99/598.

' It was the vainest task for men to anoint the marks of his spears.' ii. -awr is common in Early Ml. W. poetry : gwaewaur B.B. 58, B.A. 9 (see fac.) ' spears', ysgwydawr B.A. 9 ' shields', cletyvawr, bybinawr, llavnawr ib. ' swords, armies, blades ' ; later (in prose) gwaewar W.M. i8a, R.M. 85.

-awr < Brit. *-ares < Ar. *-ores.

Vowel Changes.

125. The vowel changes which occur when an ending is added to form the pi. are the following :

i. Mutation 81: brawd 'brother ', pi. brodyr ; brawd 'judge- ment ', pi. brodiau ; daw ( son-in-law ', pi. dqfyon E.B.B. 68 ; rhaw ' spade ', pi. rhqfiau 110 iii (i) ; cwrr ' edge', pi. cyrrau ; di/n ' man ', pi. dynion ; sail ' foundation ', pi. seiliau ; ffau ' den ', pi. ffeuau ; gwaun f meadow ', ^l.gweunydd ; biiwch ' cow ', pi. buchod, etc. etc.

ii. Penultimate Affection 83 iii: The endings which cause affection are -i, -ydd, -laid, -ion: par, peri ; dar, deri; maer, meiri ; cawr, cewri ; 122 ii (a) ; caer, ceyrydd ; maes, meyxycld ; do. (3) ; cymar ( mate ', pi. cymheiriaid; gefell R.P. 1302 ' twin ' (< Lat. gemellus), pi. gefeilliaid ; penkeirbyeit, anreigyon 70 ii (a) ; mab ' son ', pi. tneibion, etc. ; see 128 ii.

iii. Reversion. In some cases the vowel is affected in the sg., but reverts to (or, historically speaking, retains) its original sound in the plural :

Fern, ie- or m-stems, with pi. ending -edd, 122 iv : adein B.B. 82, adain D.G. 132, 421 'wing', pi. adaneb R.M. 155, R^B.B. 64, later affected to adenydd ; celain ' corpse ', pi. celanedd or cafaneb R.B.B. 49 ; edeu, edau ' thread ', pi. edafedd or adaveb R.M. 154 ; elain ' fawn ', pi. elanedd or alaneb A.L. i 20 ; gwraig, Ml. W. gwreic, pi. gwrageb neidr 'snake', pi. nod-redd ^ anadreb 21 iii, later nad-roedd; riein R.P. 1339, M.A. i 3a9^, 4ai, Mn. W. rhiain D.G. 39, 95, 117, 130, 308, etc. 'maiden', pi. rianeb W.M. 166, R.P. 1282, rhianedd D.G. 135, 234, 371. Neut. z'o-stem : daint, pi. dannedd 122 iii (2). Fern, wa-stem, pi. ending -au : cainc ' branch', Ml. W. ceing W.M. 108, pi. cageu B.B. 48, now cangau, see 120 iii (a). Neut. a-stem, pi. ending -an : deigr ' tear ', pi. dagrau, see 120 iii (i). Mas. and fern, tt-stems, pi. ending -on (Brit. nom. sg. -0, pi. -ones) 121 i : athro, pi. atkrawon 76 v (5), athraon 36 iii ; keneu W.M. 483 ' whelp', pi. kanawon W.M. 28, canaon 36 iii, cynawon R.M. 18, cynavon R.P. 1209, late cenawon\ draig 'drag-on', pi. dragon, later dreigeu IL.A. 153, now dreigiau; lleidr 'thief, pi. lladron\ Sais 'Englishman', pi. Saeson 69 ii (2), Ml. W. sg. Seis IL.A. 120, pi. Saeson B.B. 60, 66, R.B.B. 41, 71, etc., Saesson B.B. 48, 51, B.A. 4. On 3^ (affection of

  • wch), pi. ychen, see 69 v.

J^c^w ffi'i draed ydwy'n y drain,

A'r glud ar gil i adain. T.A., A 14866/201.

' I am a bird with his feet in the thorns, and the lime on the edge of his wing.'

Hwde un o'i hadanedd ;

E heda byth hyd y bedd. I.F., M 160/456.

' Take one of its [the swallow's] wings ; it will fly always till death ' [lit. 'till the grave'].

Llathen heb yr adenydd

Yn y saeth a dynnai sydd. Gut.O., A 14967/50.

' There is a yard without the feathers in the arrow which he drew.'

Mai nodwydd ym mlaen edau

Y mas lliw hon i'm lleihau. D.G. 296 (1 T.A.).

' As a needle threaded, does her aspect make me spare.' A ur a dyf ar edafedd Ar y llwyn er mwyn a'i medd. D.G. 87.

' Gold grows on threads on the bush [of broom] for the sake of [her] who owns it.'

Ni 'm cymer i fy rhiain :

Ni'rn gwrthyd fanwylyd fain. D.G. 429.

' My damsel will not have me : my slender love will not reject me.'

Er bod arian rhianedd

Fwy na'i bwys ar faen y bedd. H.D. P 99/402.

' Though there be [of] maidens' money more than his weight on the gravestone.'

Fy mrawd, mi a rois fy mryd

Ar ddau genau oedd gennyd. G.I.H., P 77/384.

' My brother, I have set my heart on two whelps that thou hadst.'

Kedyrn ac ievainc ydynt,

Eynafon aur Kynfyn ynt. Gut.O., P 100/343.

' Strong and young are they ; they are the golden Bcions of Cynfyn/

NOTE. Reversion has puzzled writers of the late modern period, jmd lexicographers, adain was used regularly by the Early Mn. bards ; but the Bible has aden, deduced from the pi. adet/ydd ; from adtn a spurious pi. cdyn was formed, which seems to occur first in E.P., PS. Ivii i, but did not make its way into the spoken langunge. In the 1620 Bible ceneu is, by a slip, correctly written in Esa. xi 6, elsewhere it is carefully misspelt cenew; in later editions this became cenaw, an impossible form, since -aw could not affect the original a to e ; see 76 v (5). On athro, misspelt athraw, see ibid. Pughe gives eleincd as the pi. of elain, and actually asserts that the pi. of gwraig is gwreigedd ! He also invented the singulars rhian, cdan. Silvan Evans s.v. celan notes this ; but himself inseits the equally spurious dagr ' tear ' and deigron l tears '. In his Llythyraeth p. 17 he attempted to change the spelling of Saeson to Seison.

iv. Exchange of ultimate for penultimate affection : Ml. W. bugeil, bugelyb, Mn. W. adain, adenydd 122 iii (2) ; Ml. W. gwelleu K.M. 123, W.M. 483, ' shears ', Mn. W. gwellau, pi. gwelleifiau, new lit. sg. gwellaif\ 76 vii (i).

v. Anomalous changes : (i) morwyn 'virgin', pi. morpnion'B.B. 61, morynyon W.M. 99, IL.A. 109, R.B.B. 70. This was altered to morwynion in the Bible, but persists in the spoken language as m'rynion. Note the double rhymes in

Lle8y-f englynyon lliw ros gwynnyon,
lloer morynyon llawr MeiryonyS. I.C. E.P. 1287.

' Sad verses [to her of] the colour of white roses, the moon of the maidens of the land of Merioneth.'

The same change occurs in blwyddyn, pi. blynedd 122 iv (2).

This change seems to be due to the survival in Brit, under different accentuations of two R-grades of ei, namely R le ei, and R 2 t, 63 vii (5). Thus morwyn < Brit. *moreinio < *marei- < *m e rei- ; morynion < Brit. *rnoriniones < *m e n-, Vmerei- : Lat. man-tus < *m e ri- with R 3 I. blwySyn ' year ', Ir. blladain < *bleidonl, a fern, m-stem from an adj. *blei-d-ono-s from a vb. stem *blei-d- ' to blow ', Vbhlci-, extension of*bhele-, *bhelo- whence O.H.G. Uuo-ian(< *bhlo-) 'to blossom', Ml. W. blawt 'blossom', Lat. Jids, etc. 59 v, thus UwySyn ' *budding season' ; pi. blyneS < *blidniids ; tair blyneS 'three * seasons '.

(2) chicaer pi. chw'iorydd 75 vi (2), vii (2).

(3) achos pi. achosion, Ml. W. achaws pi. achwysson IL.A. 129, see 75 i (3).

(4) celfyfyd ' art ', Ml. W. pi. kelvydodeu.

celfybyd < *kalmiio-tuts ; kelvydod- < *kalmiio-tat-es, owing to the interchange of -tut-, -tat-; 99 ii (2), 143 iii (10), (24).

Plural of Nouns with Singular Endings.

126. Nouns with the singular endings -yn and -en fall into three classes for the purposes of pi. formation.

i. Class i. The sg. ending is dropped, with or without vowel change ; thus, without vowel change : pluen ' feather ', pi. plu ; mocJiyn 'pig', pi. mock ; cwningen 'rabbit', pi. owning G. 326 ; Uewyn ' a hair ', pi. Hew. The vowel changes that take place when the ending is dropped are the following :

(1) Mutation : conyn 'stalk ', pi. cawn-, deilen B.T. 28, Gen. viii ii, 'leaf, pi. dail; cneuen ' nut', \>\.cnau ; gwenynen 'bee ', pi. ffwenyn, etc.

(2) Ultimate Affection: collen 'hazel', pi. cqll; onnen 'ash', pi. ynn ; dalen W.M. 231, E.M. 167, Ps. i 3 'leaf, pi. flail', chwannen ' flea ', pi. chwain ; draenen ' hawthorn ', pi. drain ; lywarchen ' sod ', pi. fyweirch, tgwyrch :

Drylliwr cwys i droi lle'r ceirch,

Daint haearn dan y tyweiroh. T.A. c. i 341.

' The cutter of a furrow to turn up the bed of the corn, an iron tooth under the sods.'

(3) Reversion. As -yn causes penultimate affection, when it drops the vowel reverts to its original sound \ plenty n 'child', pi. plant ; aderyn ' bird ', pi. adar.

(4) Exchange of penultimate for ultimate affection : giewyn 'sinew', pi. giau ; Ml. W. llyssewyn IL.A. 97, 166 'plant', pi. llysseu M.M. 3, Mn. llyssau W.1L. 99, llysiau.

ii. Class a. A plural ending is substituted for the sg. ending, as diferyn ' drop ', pi. diferion ; crwydryn ' vagrant ', pi. crwydraid ; meddwyn ' drunkard ', pi. meddwon ; plankigyn

  • plant ', pi. planhigion ; cwningen ' rabbit ', pi. cwningod. The

following vowel changes occur :

(1) Affection : m'iaren 'bramble ', pi. mieri (mwyeri R.B.B. 48).

(2) Reversion: gelyn 'enemy', old pi. galon B.A. 26, and some nouns with two singulars, as deigryn 'tear', pi. dagrau 130 ii.

iii. Class 3. A pi. ending 1 is added to the sg. ending, as gelyn 'enemy', pi. gelinion B.B. 71, gelynyon R.B.B. 71, Mn. W. gelynion ; defnyn Gr.O. 48, defnynnau Luc xxii 44 ; dalen ' leaf ', pi. dalennau Ex. xxxix 3 ; mursennod, bythynnod 123 ii.

iv. In some nouns final -yn or -en is not the singular ending but part of the stem ; in these the n of -yn is not necessarily double when an ending is added ; and -en is affected to -yn ; thus telyn f. ' harp ', pi. telynau ; tyddqn m. ' small farm ', 98 i (3), pi. iyddynnod, Ml. W. tybynneu A.L. i 168, 180, 182 ; maharen m. C.M. 2,6, myharen D.G. 202 'ram', pi. meJieryn\ crogen, cragen, ' shell ', pi. cregin 117 iii (3) ; elltrewyn 76 v (5), pi. *-ynel not found ; bhoyfyn 122 iv (2).

Plural Formed from Derivatives,

127. The pi. of a few nouns is formed by adding a pi. ending to a derivative : glaw 'rain', pi. glawogyb R.B : B. 324, G. 98 ; Ml. W. cristawn ' Christian' pi. cristonogion B.B. 71, Mn.W. cristion, pi. cristipnogion, cristnogion ; llif ' flood ', pi. llifogydd ; addurn 'adornment', pi. addurniadau ; crwydr 'wandering', pi. crwydr(i}adau ; serch ' affection ', pi. serchiadau ; dychryn 'terror', pi. dyckryniadau, dychrynfeydd; rheg 'curse', pi. rhegfeydd; dyn 'man', pi. dyniabon R.P. 1196, dynebon IL.A ii beside dynion\ cos Deut. vii 10 ' hater, foe ', pi. caseion W.1L. 8, also pi. cas do. 5.

Beside glawogydd the dialects have glawiau, evidently a new formation, though Bret, has glaoiou. The misspelling gwlaw occurs first about the end of the 1 7th cent., and was substituted in the Bible for the correct form glaw by B.M., 1746. The word always appears with gl- in Ml. W., as glav B.B. 63, glaw IL.A. 13, 42, K.M. 146, M.A. i 396, K.P. 585, 1032 (4 times), 1055; gwlaw s.G. 147 is of course glaw in the MS., see P 11/956; and of course there is no trace of gw- in the spoken language. The word cannot be from *uo-lau- as is usually assumed, for there is no example of the reduction of the prefix *uo- before a consonant to g- or even to gw- ', and that the same reduction took place also in Bret, glao, Corn, glaw is incredible. The etymology of the word is doubtful, but it probably represents Brit. *glou- (1 *glo-uo- : Skr. jala- ' water, rain ').

camrau is used in the Bible for ' steps ' ; but the true pi. of cam is camau TL 28/96 K.,M1.W. kammeu K.B.B. 149, 0. W. cemmein 121 iv ;

and camrau is a mere misspelling of kam-re, see 31 ii (2).

Double Plurals.

§ 128. Double plurals are of common occurrence, and are formed in the following ways :

i. A second pi. ending- is added to the first : celain ' corpse ', pi. celanedd, double pi. celaneddau Ps. ex 6 ; deigr ' tear J , pi. daffrau, double pi. dagreuoeb IL.A. 71, R.B.B. 146, 149; so Uodeu ' flowers ', double pi. blodeuoeb R.B.B. 40, sg. blodeuyn ; dieu ' days', double pi. dieuoeb do. 9, 25, sg. dyb ; llysseu ' plants ', double pi. Ilysseuoeb IL.A. 70; dynion, double pi. dynyoneu B..P. 1303; neges ' errand ', pi. negesau, double pi. negeseuau M.L. ii 97 ; peth 'thing', pi. pet/iau, double pi. peiheuau do. 112, 119 'various things' ; esgid 'shoe', esgidiau 'shoes', esgideuau 'pairs of shoes'; mack ' surety ', pi. meichiau, double pi. meichiafon.

ii. A pi. ending is added to a pi. formed by affection : thus clock ' bell ', pi. clych s.G. 380, double pi. clychau ; sant v saint ', pi. seint B,B. 85, IL.A. 69, double pi. seinvyeu H.M. ii 227, Mn. W. seintiau] angel 'angel', pi. engyl M.A. i 282, double pi. engylyon H..A. 155, w.M. 1 1 8, B.B. 70 etc., Mn. W. angylion (e->a- 83 iii Note 2).

In old formations -ion affected the preceding vowel, thus the ei of meibion is the affection of a by i, as shown by the intermediate form mejrion 70 ii (i). But meibion seemed to be the pi. meib with -ion added ; and on this analogy -ion was added to engyl. The y in angylion is not an old affection of the e by i, for that would be ei, cf. anreigyon, etc., 70 ii (2). angelion is a new formation probably due to Wm.S., and, though used in the Bible by Dr. M. and Dr. P., has failed to supplant angylion as the spoken form. Silvan Evans's statement that angelion very frequently occurs in Ml. MSS. is a gross error, supported only by a quotation from a i yth cent. copy,H.M. ii 337, of a tract appearing in IL.A., where the reading is egylyonn 129.

In most cases however -ion is added to the sg., and does not affect ae, e, o : kaethyon K.P. 1272, ysgolion ' schools '.

iii. The diminutive pi. endings -ach (-iach) and -os are added to pi. nouns, as cryddionach Gr.O. 208, dynionach do. 93, J.D.R. [xx]; dreiniach 'thorns'; planlos, gwragedhos, dilhados (d/t = b, Ih = 11} J.D.R. [xv] ' children, women, clothes ' ; cyno% ' little dogs' ; more rarely to sg. nouns: branos R.M. 154, L.G.C. 148, ' little crows ', caregos ' pebbles ', dernynnac/t ' bits '.

Sometimes a final media is now hardened before the ending : jrry- fetach, merchetos. This is prob. due to late diminutive doubling (d-d > tt, etc.).

iv. A noun with a pi. ending sometimes has its vowels affected as an additional sign of the pl. f as ceraint for carant 123 v, adenyb for adaneb 125 iii, brodyr for broder 124 i, which are therefore, in a sense, double plurals.

Plural Doublets.

129. i. A noun not ending in -yn or -en may have more than one pi. form in the following ways :

(1) One pi. may be formed by affection and one by the addi- tion of an ending : mor ' sea ', pi. myr, moroeb 122 ii (4) ; arf 'weapon', pi. arveu W.M. 97, 99, etc., poet, eirf D.G. 2; esgob ' bishop ', pi. etgyb, later esgobion (i5th cent, Gut.O. A 14967/87), ezgobiaid (T.A. A 14975/61), the first and last now obsolete; Ml.W. kevy-nderw 'cousin', pi., A.L. i 222, Mn. W. cefnder, pi. cefndyr, cefnderoedd L.G.C. 167.

In Recent Welsh new and^indegant weak forms are sometimes found, as castelli, alarchod for cestytt, elyrch. On the other hand in the late period we meet with spurious strong forms, such as edyn 125 iii Note ; and latterly emrynt for amrannau (amrantau) 120 i (i) ; brieill for briallu 134 ii; creig for creiyiau.

(2) Two or more plurals may be formed by adding different endings : tref ' town ', pi. trefi, trefydd 122 ii (2) ; kaer ' castle ', pi. keyrydd, kaeroedd, caereu, do. (3); achau, achoedd L.G.C. 213 ' ancestry' ; dyn 127, etc. See 131 i.

(3) Two plurals with the same ending may have different vowel changes ; thus Ml. W. ceing old pi. cangeu 125 iii, newer pi. ceingheu IL.A. 144 ; these survive in Mn. W. as cainc pi. cangau, ceinciau. So cawr c giant ', pi. ceuri, cewri 76 iv (3) ; achaws, achos 'cause* pi. achwysson 125 v (3), achuygyon A.L. i 30, and achozion.

ii. A noun ending in -yn or -en may have more than one pi. form as follows :

(i) Some nouns of class i, 126 i, have two plurals, one without and one with the vowel affected; as yw'ialen 'twig', pi. gwial or gwiail ; *eren ( star ', pi. ser B.T. 26, or syr IL.A. 5, the latter now obsolete ; collen ' hazel ', pi. coll M.M. 32, generally evil ; onnen ' ash ', pi. onn, more usually ynn ; mellten ' flash of lightning', pi. mellt IL.A. 107, rarely myllt R.B B. 259. Ni thawaf, od af Jieb ddl,

Mwy nog eos niewn gwial. D.G. 418, cf. 151. ' I will not be silent, though I go without pay, more than a nighting- gale in the branches.

E gaeodd Mai d gwiail

Y llwybrau yn dyrrau dail. D.G. 442, cf. 87, 162, 225.

' May has blocked up with twigs the paths into masses of leaves.' Mawr yiv seren y morwyr, Mwy yw no swrn o'r mdn syr. L.G.C. 459.

' Great is the star of the mariners, greater than a cluster of small stars.' Dy ryw cyn amled ar onn, * MS- awr.

Derwgoed yufr* dreigiau dewrion. T.A. A 149757* *

' Thy kindred are as numerous as ash-trees, but the brave dragons

are oaks.'

(2) A noun may fall in more than one of the classes mentioned in 126; thus cwningen, pi. i owning, 2 cwningod; gelyn, pi.

1 galon, 3 gelynion ; dalen, pi. I dail, 3 dalennau ; defnyn, pi.

2 dafnau, 3 defynnau ; asen ' rib ', pi. I ais, 2 a&au, 3 asennau.

Rhyfedd yw'r ais, a'i rhifo,

Fal cronglwyd lie tynnwyd to. I.B.H., F. 17.

' Strange are my ribs, and to be counted, like rafters where the roof has been taken away.'

Ef a wys ar fy asau

Am gelu hyn im gulhau. B.Br.b p 8 2/2 93, cf. D.G. 295.

' It is evident from my ribs that I have become lean through conceal- ing this [secret].'

Si6n ffriw ac asennau Ffranc

Sy lew brau Salbri ieuanc. T. A., A 14965/44.

' Sion, of the face and frame of a Frank, is a spirited lion young Salesbury.'

Singular Doublets.

180. i. A noun not ending- in -yn or -en may have two forms of the sg. owing to various phonetic accidents: (i) -yf ' : -eu 76 vii : clebyf'R.v. 1236 c sword', clebeu do. 1369, pi. clebyfeu ; ncbyfdo. 1237 ' adze ', and nebeu.

(2) dant, daint 'tooth ', pi. dannedd 122 iii (2).

(3) gwyry, <J w yrf, gwerydd ' virgin ', pi. gweryddon 110 ii (3).

b Wrongly attributed in the MS. to D.G. ; see A 14967^0. 222, and the cover of Greal no. 6 Mae rhyw amwynt. (4) paret W.M. 92, parwyt B.T. 27 (the latter obsolete), pi. pancydydd ' walls ' (of a house).

(5) gwartJiafl 'stirrup', Mn. W. gwarthol (-afl>-awl>-ol), pi. gwarthafleu, Mn. gwarthaflau.

(6) dydd ' day ', ^#? in %w Sul etc., pi. dyddiau, diau.

ii. A noun may have a sg. form with, and one without, a sg. ending ; as deigr, deigryn ' tear', pi. dagrau ; erfyn, arf ( weapon ', pi. arfau 129 i (i) ; edait, edefyn ' thread ', pi. edafedd, 125 iii. The diminutive form has sometimes a pi. of its own ; as dafn ' drop ', pi. dafnau 122 ii (2), and defnyn ' drop ', pi. defnynnau 126 iii ; cainc branch ', pi. cangau, ceinciau 129 i (3) ; cangen 'branch', pi. canghennau T.A. G. 251.

iii. Nouns ending in -yn or -en, Class i 126 i, may have two singulars, (i) one formed with each ending; thus adar 'birds', sg. m. aderyn and f. adaren B.B. 107, the latter obsolete ; ysgall ' thistles ', sg. ysgellyn and ytgatlen^ both in use ; cawn, sg. conyn ' stalk ', cawnen ( rush ' ; gwial or gwiail, sg. gw'ialen, or gw'ielyn c.c. 265.

(2) With different vowel changes ; as dail ' leaves ', old sg. dalen 126 i (2), newer sg. deilen, re-formed from the pi. 126 i (i).

Desynonymized Doublets.

131. i. Many pi. doublets, especially those with different endings, 129 i (2), have been desynonymized, some early, as bronneu W.M. 94, D.G. 233 'breasts', tronnyb M.A. i 415, D.G. 70, ' hills', sg. Iron 'breast, hill' ; personiaid 123 iv (i) 'parsons', per- sonau ' persons ' (personyeu C.M. 19), sg. person in both senses. The following occur in Mn. W. : canoniaid ' canons ' (men), canonau 'regulations', sg. canon; cynghorion 'counsels', cynghorau 'councils', sg. cyngor ; llwythau ' tribes ', llwythi ' loads ' (but llwytJiau ' loads ' Ex. v 5, vi 6, llwythi 'tribes' J.D.B. 291), sg. llwyth; pry diau 1 times ', prydau ' meals ', sg. pryd ; pwysau ' weights ', pwysi ' Ibs. ', sg. pwys ; ysbrydion ' spirits ' (beings), yslrydoedd ' spirits ' in other senses (but Ml. W. ysprydoeb, S.G. 308-9, ysprydyeu do. 310, both in the former sense); anrheithiau 'spoils', anrheithi 'dear ones', sg. anrhaith 'booty; darling', 156 ii (i). ii. In some cases the desynonymization is only partial : tadau means both ' fathers ' and ' ancestors ', but teit JL.A. 121, Mn. W. taid means the latter only, as

Penaethiaid yw dy daid oil. G.I.H., IL 133/211.

' All thy ancestors are chieftains/ teidiau 'ancestors' is perhaps to be treated as the pi. of taid 'grandfather', a derivative (<*(atios?) of tad, cf. nain 'grandmother' (<*nanid?). The pi. ais, while continuing to mean ' ribs ', was used for ' breast ' D.G. 316, and became a sg. noun, fern, (like bron), as

Am Robert y maer ebwch Yn f ais drom anafus drwch. T.A., G. 230. ' For Robert is the cry in my heavy wounded broken breast.'

But asau and asennau retained their literal meaning. In the spoken language now, ais is ' laths ' (sg. eisen), asennau ' ribs ' (sg. aseti).

iii. Partial desynonymization extends to the sg. in deilen 'leaf (of a tree only), dalen 'leaf (natural or artificial), dail 'leaves' (of trees or books), dalennau 'leaves' (artificial only, but Ml. W. dalenneu B.B. 101 'leaves' of trees). Complete desynonymization has taken place in the sg. and pi. in cors f. ' marsh ', pi. comydd> and corseti f. ' reed ', pi. cyrs (in Ml. W. cors, corsydd meant ' reed, reeds ' also, see Silvan Evans s. v.) ; tant ' harp-string ', pi. tannau, and tennyn ' halter ', pi. tenynnod.

iv. Desynonymization occurs in the sg. only in conyn ' stalk ', cawnen ' reed ' ; gw'ialen ' twig, wand ', gw'ielyn ' osier ' (used in wicker-work the original meaning, 75 vi (2)).

In the dialects also coeden ' tree ' " vox nuperrime ficta " D.D. and coedyn 'piece of wood'. The word for 'tree' in lit. W. is j>ren' t cf. ny elwir coet o un prenn R.P. 1044 ' wood is not said of one tree.'

In some cases, of course, the diminutive was from its earliest forma- tion distinct in meaning from its base ; as yden f. ' a grain of corn ' from yd ' corn ' mas. sg. (yr yd hwn ' this corn '), pi. ydau ' varieties of corn '.

Anomalous Plurals.

132. A few anomalous plurals remain to be noticed : (i) ci ' dog ', pi. cwn ; ci < Kelt. *ku < *kuu < Ar. *&(u)uo : Skr. sva 89 iii; cwn < Brit. *kune9<Ax. (a) dydd ( day ' < *diieus : Lat. dies, and dyw ' day ' in dyw Gwener f on Friday ' etc. from an oblique case (Ar. gen. *diue*,

  • diu6s), pi. d'ieu < Brit. *die'ues 100 ii (i), beside dteuoeb

128 i, and dybyeu IL.A. 51, R.B.B. 9, re-formed from the sg., Mn. W. dyddiau, now the usual form, though tridiau is still in common use.

Bluitinet a hir dieu (t = 8) B.B. 56 ' years and long days '; deugein niheii IL.A. 21 'forty days'; seith nieu B.B.B. 54; deugain nieu D.G. 198, etc.

(3) duw ' god ', O. W. duiu- 78 iv (a) < *deiuos (: Lat.

is the same word as the above with different vowel grades 63 vii (4). The Ml. pi. dwyweu IL.A. 73 is formed from the old sg. ; geu-dwyeu also occurs do. 44 with loss of w ; the Mn. pi. duwiau is a second re-formation.

(4) diawl 'devil', pi. d'iefyl 100 ii (i), also a late pi. diawl(i)aid (loss of i by dissim. is usual) ; the pi. dleifl used by Gr.O. is artificial, as possibly the sg. dia/ft. Wm.S. invented a new sg. diafol, which was adopted in the Bible, and so is considered more respectable than the genuine form.

(5) Uwyddyn ' year ', pi. blynedd, blicyfyneb, llynyddoedd 122 iv (a), 125 v (i).

(6) aren pi. eirin 106 ii (i), new pi. arennau\ eirin 'plums', new sg. eirinen.

(7) pared, pi. parwydydd 130 i (4); ffer 'ankle', pi. (old dual) uffarnau, ucharnau 96 iv (a), late f>\.fferau, fferi. Other cases of anomalous vowel changes in 125 v, 117 iii.

(8) One or two examples generally quoted of irregular plurals are due to haplology, 44 iv, and are irregular in the late period only. Mn. W. cydymaitk ' companion ', pi. cymdeithion; Ml. W. sg. cedymdeith W.M. 10, pi. cydymdeithon do. i ; Mn. W. credadun ' believer ', pi. credinwyr, a corrupt re-formation from crediniol for creduniol, 77 ix, for credadunipl ; Ml. W. credadun, pl. credadunion M.A. i 566.

Nouns with no Plural.

133. The following nouns are used in the sg. only :

i. Many abstract nouns, simple, as gwanc 'voracity', llwnc 'swallowing, llafur 'labour', cred 'belief, tywydcl ' weather '; or derivative as syched ' thirst ', tristwch ' sadness ', ffyddlondeb ' fidelity ', glendid ' cleanliness '.

But a large number of abstract nouns have pi. forms : chwant ' desire', pi. chwantau; coel ' belief, pi. coelion, etc.; see 120 i (4), 121ii( 3 ), 122ii( 4 ).

ii. Nouns denoting material or substance, as mel ' honey ', glo ' coal ', ymenyn ' butter ', gwaed ' blood ', baw ' dirt ', llaeth ' milk ', etc.

There are many exceptions : dyfroedd ' waters ', sg. dwfr ; cigau 'meats', ydau 131 iv, etc.

arian in the sg. means ' silver ', thus yr arian hwn ' this silver ', arian byw ' quicksilver '; but arian is also pi., and as pi. means 'money', as yr arian hyn 'this money', arian gwynion or arian gleision ' white ' or ' grey money ', i. e. silver coins. More rarely aur is pi. in a similar sense: aur melynion or aur rJiuddion W.IL. 2. Similarly heyrn the pi. of haearn means ' irons ' as fire-irons, etc.

The names of woods have the same form as the pi. of the names of trees ; thus derw ' oak ' or ' oak-trees ', sg. derwen ' oak-tree '. The same form is used (like arian, aur, haearn, etc.) as an adj. : cadair dderw ' oak chair ' ; onn ' ashen ', etc. (but not ifnn etc.) : Llithio 'r wyd y llaih hir onn Ar galonnau'r gelynion. T.A., A 14975/95- ' Thou feedest the long ashen spear on the hearts of the enemies.'

iii. Diminutive nouns in -an, -iff, -cyn>> -cen ; as dynan ' a little, person', oenig 'a little lamb', bryncyn 'hillock', llecyn 'place', ffolcen ' foolish girl '.

If the word does not exist without the suff., or if without the suff. it is an adj., it has a pi. in -od, rarely -au ; mudanod ' deaf-mutes ', llebanod, etc. 123 ii (2), eurigod do. (i); crymanau 'sickles'.

iv. Archaic and poetical words such as bun ' maid ', ior ' lord ', cun 'lord', huan 'sun' 113 i (5).

v. Proper names of places, months, days, feasts ; as Cymru, JEbrill, Calan, Nadolig. Except Suliau 'Sundays', Sadyrnau

Saturdays '. Other days thus 
dyddiau Llun ' Mondays ', etc.

Nouns with no Singular,

134. A few nouns are used in the pi. only : i. bonedd 'gentlefolk'; rh'ieni 'parents'; nouns in -wys denoting inhabitants, as Motiwys ' men of M6n ' 38 viii. Bonedd Gwynedd a genais,

Blodau'r sir heb kdryw Sais. T.A., A 14966/27 7. ' I have sung the nobility of Gwynedd, flowers of the shire with no Saxon alloy.'

The eg. rhiant (pi. rJiiaint) given by Pughe seems to be his own invention.

ii. aeron e fruits'; gwartheg 'cattle'; crerfion 'parings'; gwreich- ion ' sparks ' ; names of certain vegetables : bresych ' cabbages ', chwyn(n] 'weeds', br'iallu B.T. 25, H.M. ii 162 'primroses'; in Mn. W. ymysgaroedd 'bowels', but Ml. sg. ymysgar S.G. 214.

For pi. names of vegetables a sg. is sometimes formed by adding -en, as hesg ' rushes ', sg. hesgen, or -yn as blodeu-yn, rhos-yn. The new and spurious sg. briallen is based on the assumption that -u is a pi. ending ; so also the spurious pi. brieilL

iii. Adjectives used as nouns : (i) persons : fforddolion ' wayfarers ', tlodion ' paupers ' ; (2) qualities : prydferthion 'beauties', 145 iii.

TF For the pi. of compound nouns, see 157 iii.


136. The gender of a noun denoting an animate object agrees in general with the sex of the object ; thus the nouns gwr ' man, husband ', ceffyl ' horse ', brawd ' brother ', gwas ' servant, youth ' are m., and gwraig ' woman, wife ', caseg ' mare ', chwaer ' sister ', morwyn ' maid ' are f.

136. i. When the same noun is used for both sexes it is generally epicene, that is, it has its own gender whichever sex it denotes.

The following are mas. epicenes : plentyn ' child ', baban ' babe ', bar cut ' kite ', etyr ' eagle '.

The following are fern, epicenes : cennad ' messenger ', calk ' cat ', colomen ' dove ', bran ' crow ', ysgyfarnog ' hare '. Thus we say y gennad (not *y cennad] even when we mean a man.

Kymer y gennat honn, a dwc efy dy Ernallt C.M. 33 ' Take this messenger and bring him to the house of Ernault '. See also E.B.B. 68, IL.A. in and 2 Sam. xi 19-25.

These nouns do not change their gender by the addition of gwryw ' male ' or benyw ' female ', as old-fashioned grammarians taught. In eryr "benyw ' female eagle ' the non-mutation of the 5- of benyw shows that eryr remains mas. In fact the gender of a noun must be ascer- tained before gwryw or benyw can be added to it.

ii. There are however several nouns of common gender in Welsh, that is, nouns whose gender varies according to the sex of the individual meant. Such are dyn ' man ' or ' woman ', dynan ' little person ', cyfyrder ' second cousin ', wyr ' grandchild ', tyst ' witness ' (< Lat. testis com.), mudan ' deaf-mute ', perthynas ' relation ', gefell ' twin ', cymar ' mate', ttatai ' love- messenger ', etc. 139 v, cyw ' pullas ', llo ' calf. Thus y -aaudan oxy fudan ; y perthynas or y "berthynas ; llo %wryw or llo fenyw.

See cyw f. D.G. 94, usually m. ; un gymar f. D.G. 274 ; teir wyryon E.M. 112, W.M. 468 'three granddaughters'.

T ddyn fwyn oedd ddoe'n fannerch :
Aeth yn fud weithian y ferch. D.E., G. 117.

' The gentle lady yesterday greeted me : now the maid has become silent.'

Wyr Cadwgon yw honno :
Wyr i fab Meilir yw fo. L.G.C. 367.

' She is the granddaughter of Cadwgon ; he is the grandson of Meilir's son.'

Danfmaf, o byddaf byw,
At feinwen latai fenyw. 1L., IL 133/102.

' I will send, if I live, to the maiden a female messenger.'

The initial consonant of dyn is sometimes left unmutated after the art. when f., as pwy yw'r dyn deg 1 D.G. 53 ' who is the fair lady ? ' But usually y ddyn as above, cf. 38 vi, ex. 3.

dynes is a N.Walian vulgarism which has found its way into recent literature ; it does not occur in the Bible or any standard work. The examples quoted by Silvan Evans are evident misreadings (dynes for y ddyn and dynes sad for dyn sad) ; but it is found in the work of a poetaster in p 112/365 (early lyth cent.). No pi. has been invented for it. Other late formations are cymhares and wyres, the former used in the 1 7th cent.

iii. Some mas. nouns used as terms of endearment, etc. become fern, when applied to females ; as peth ' thing J , byd ( life ', cariad ( love ', enaid ' soul ' ; thus y loeth dlawd ' poor thing ' f.

'Y myd wen, mi yw dy wr,
A'th was i'th burlas barlwr. D.G. 156.

' My fair life, I am thy husband and thy servant in thy leafy parlour.'

.F'enaid dlos, ni ddaw nosi

I haf y del hi. D.G. 321.

c My beautiful soul ! there comes no nightfall to the summer-house to which she comes.'

iv. Similarly a mas. abstract noun, when personified is occa- sionally treated as fern., as doethineb in Diar. i 20, ix 1-4.

137. i. Some mas. names of living objects "are made fern, by the addition of -es, or by changing -yn to -en ; thus brenin ' king ', brenhines ( queen ' ; bachgen ' boy ', bachgennes Joel iii 3 ' girl ' ; Hew f lion ', llewes ( lioness ' ; asyn ' ass ', f. asen ; coegyn ' fop ', f. coegen B.CW. 14.

arglwyS ' lord ', arglwySes W.M. 1 1 ' lady ' ; marchawc W.M. 2, Mn.W. marchog ' horseman, rider, knight', marchoges, W.M. 13, B.CW. 58 ; iarll, iarlles W.M. 254 ' earl ', ' countess ' ; amherawdyr W.M. 178 'emperor', amherodres do. 162; cares I.G. 557 'relative' f. ; tywysoges ib. 'prin- cess'; sanies do. 559 'saint' f. ; arglwyddes a meistres mCr Gr.O. 15 ' lady and mistress of the sea '.

In old formations the -es is seen added to the original stem, as in lleidr 'thief, f. lladrones B.CW. 21, see 121 i; Sais 'Englishman', f. Saesnes<l$rit. *Saxo, *Saxonissd, 113 i (2). On the vowel change in, f. Cymraes see 65 ii (i).

ii. In the following cases the distinction of gender is irregular : nai ' nephew ', nilh ' niece ' ; cefnder(w) ' cousin ', f. cyfnUher(w) ; chwegrwn ' father-in-law ', f. ckwegr ; hesbwrn, f. hesbin ' ewe ' ; ffol ' fool', i.ffolog ; gwr, gwraig ; ci 132 (i), gast 96 ii (3).

nai < Ar. *nepots ; nith < Ar. *neptis 75 vii (2) ; cefnderw 76 vii (3) (O. W. pi. ceintiru) and cyfnitherw are improper compounds representing ceifn derw and cyfnith Serw ', for ceifn lit. ' co-nephew ' see 75 vii (i) ; cyfnith<*kom-neptis l co-niece'; derw is an obsolete adj. meaning ' true ', Ir. derb ' sure ' < *deruos, Ar. base *dereu- : E. true, and doubtless W. pl.derwyS-on* ' soothsayers' < *d e ruiies (: G&ul.druides <Brit., Caesar B.G. vi 13, Ir. erm'<Brit. ?) : W. dir 'true, certain', Ir. dir ' due ' < LR *deru-s, chwegr 94 iv ; chwegrwn< * suetcru-no- ; hesbin from W. hesb f. of hysb ' dry ' 96 iii (5) ; the formation of hesbwrn is not clear; perhaps for *hesbrwn formed on the analogy of chwegrwn; gwr < Ar. *uiros : Lat. vir; gwraig < *urakl prob. <

  • u(i]r-ak-i, a noun in -I (: -iia, cf. pi. gwrageb) from a derivative in

-ak- of *uir-os : cf. Lat. virago.

This is more probable as a derivation of druid than that it comes from the word for oak. There is however a distant connexion, since derw ' oak ', Gk. fyvs, etc., are probably derived from the same Aryan base *dereu- ' fast, hard '. iii. (1) As in other languages, near relations and familiar animals have names of different origin for males and females : tad ' father ', mam 'mother'; brawd, chwaer ; ewyt/ir, modryb; ceffyl, caseg ; etc.

(2) Names of birds are epicenes, mostly f. as y fwyalch or y fwy- alcken ' the blackbird ', y fronfraith ' the thrush ', yr wydd ' the goose ', y gog ' the cuckoo ', y frdn ' the crow ', etc. ; but almost an equal number are m., as eryr 'eagle', dryw 'wren', barcut 'kite', hedydd ' lark ', alarch ' swan '. The male bird is in some cases distinguished by using ceiliog followed by the specific name in the attributive geni- tive, as y ceiliog bronfraith or y ceiliog mwyalch ; but this cannot be done generally. Note ceilidgwydd 'gander' 74 i. The names of one or two male animals are formed in a similar manner ; as bwch gafr ' he-goat ' ; gwrcath ' tom-cat '.

138. The gender of nouns denoting inanimate objects or abstractions can only to a very limited extent be determined by the meaning.

i. The following nouns are mas. :

(1) tymor 'season', and the names of the seasons: gwanwyn, haf, hydr^f, gaeaf, see Jiydrefdwys a'r gwanwyn 38 viii; so y Garawys, y Grawys 'Lent' with g- as a new radical 101 iii (2), cf. yr holl Arawys A.L. i 338 'all Lent'.

(2) mis ' month ', and the names of the months, as Chwefrol sydd iddo 28 o ddyddiau 1620 Bible Almanac 'February has 28 days'.

(3) dydd 'day', and names of days, see Difiau dw 46 ii (4); so y Pasg ' Easter ', y Nadolig ' Christmas ', y Sulgwyn ' "Whitsunday ', y Calan ' New Year's Day ' ; but gwyl ' feast ' is f., so that Gwyl Fair ' Lady Day ', etc., are f.

(4) gwynt ' wind ', and the names of points of the compass : y gog- ledd ' the north ', y dwyrain ' the east ', y deheu ' the south ', y gorllewin ' the west '.

(5) Nouns denoting material or substance : aur, arian, haearn, pres, jyren, derw, ffawydd, glo, maen, pridd, calch, clai, tail, gwair, gwellt, yd, bwyd, bara, cig, gwaed, gwin, cwrw, dwfr, gwydr, lltdr, lliain, sidan, glaw, eira, etc.

(6) Verbal nouns; see 205.

ii. The following nouns are fern. :

(1) gwlad ' country ', teyrnas ' kingdom ', ynys ' island ', and names of countries, etc. : Cymru Idn ' beautiful Wales ', Prydain T?awr ' Great Britain ', y F6n fau Gr.O. 16 ' my Mona '. But tir ' land' is m., hence Tir Groeg m. ' Greece '.

(2) tref'town', llan 'church', and names of towns and parishes: Bangor Fawr yn Arfon ; JLanbadarn "Faivr.

(3) afon 'river', and names of rivers: Dyfi wendal D.IL. 'fair- browed Dovey'.

(4) Names of mountains and hills : yr Wyddfa ' Snowdon ', Camedd Ddafydd, Moelyci ; but mynydd ' mountain ' and bryn 'hill' are m., and so therefore are names formed from them, as Mynyddmawr.

(5) iaith 'language', and names of languages: y Gymraeg wen E.P. 217; but when the name denotes matter written in a language it is m. : y Cym/raeg Tiwn ' this (piece of) Welsh '. llythyren ' letter ' is fern., and names of letters and sounds : a fain ' thin a ' (i. e. ' ce ').

(6) Names of trees : derwen ' oak ', ddr ' oak ', collen ' hazel ', etc.

(7) Collective nouns denoting communities, etc. : y genedl ' the nation ', y werin ' the people, the crew (of a ship) ', y bobl ' the people ', y bendefigaeth ' the nobility ', y gymanfa ' the assembly ', y gynulleidfa ' the congregation ', y gler ' the bards' (y fdn gler L.Gr.C. 71), y dorf, y dyrfa ' the crowd ', y gynhadledd ' the assembly ' ; with some late exceptions, as y cyngor ' the council ', y bvyrdd ' the board '.

139. The gender of a derivative noun is determined by its ending 1 .

i. The following endings form m. nouns : -ach dim. sg., -aint, -awd, -cyn, -dab -deb, -der, -did, -dod, -dra, -dwr, -edd, -hdd, -i -ni -ioni, -iad -ad, -iant, -inab -ineb, -rwydd, -wch (-wg), -yd, -yn.

Examples : bwbach, henaint, traethawd, llecyn, un-dab, -deb, blinder, gwendid, cryndod,ffieidd-dra, cryfdwr, amynedd, glanhdd, tlodi, noethni, drygioni, cariad, teimlad, mwyniant, doethin-ab, -eb, enbydrwydd, tywyll-wch, (-wg], iechyd, offeryn.

Exceptions : awdurdod, trindod ; buchedd, cynghanedd, trugaredd, see 143 iii (13); cenadwri (f. after cennad}', adeilad 205; caniad 1 song ' (f. after can] but caniad ' singing ' m. ; galwad (f. after galwedig- aeth); blwyddyn, elltrewyn, odyn, telyn, twymyn. In the last group -yn is not the sg. ending -ynn, see 1 26 iv.

ii. The following endings form f. nouns : -ach (abstract), -aeth -iaeth etc., -as, -ed, -ell, -en, -es, -fa, -ur.

Examples : cyfeillach, cosbedigaeth, athrawiaeth, teyrnas, colled, asgell, seren, llynges, par/a, natur, pladur.

There are many exceptions in -aeth and -iaeth; as claddedigaeth, darfodedigaeth, gwasanaeth, hiraeth, amrywiaeth, gwahaniaeth, llun- iaeth. Other exceptions are lludded, caethiwed, syched, pared ; castell, cawell, hiriell ' angel ' D. 43 ; maJiaren; hanes m. in N. W. gwriiadur ' thimble ' is m. in N. W. ; names of persons in -ur are mas. (f. -ures).

iii. The following endings form derivatives having the same gender as the noun to which they are affixed : -aid ' -ful ', -an dimin., -awd, ~od ' stroke, blow ' ; as crochanaid m. ' potful ' ; llwyaid f. ' spoonful ; niaban m. ' babe ', gwreigan f. ' little woman ', dynan com. ' little person ' ; cleddyfod m. ' stroke of sword \ffonnod f. ' blow of a stick ', dyrnod m., arfod f. (cleddyfawd f. D.G. 473 is exceptional).

iv. -og (-awe) forms m. titles and designations, as tywytsog ' prince ', marchog ' knight ', swyddog ' officer ', cymydog ' neighbour ', taeog ' villain ' ; and f. terms of reproach, a.sffolog ' fool ' f., budrog ' slattern ', slebog id. Names of inanimate objects in -og are generally f., as arffedog 1 apron ', clustog ' cushion ', mawnog ' bog '. -ig forms m. titles, as gwledig 'prince', pendefig 'chief, and f. diminutives as oenig, etc.

-in is m. in brenin ' king ', dewin ' sage ', budin ' drinking horn ', ewin ' (finger-)nail ', gorllewin ' west ' ; otherwise f., as byddin, cegin, cribin, gwerin, hesbin, megin, melin.

v. -ai, Ml. W. -ei (for -hei) forms nouns of com. gender, as llatai 136 ii; see cicai f. JD.G. 166.

140. i. No useful rule can be laid down for determining by the form the gender of nouns without derivative endings. It is true that nouns having w or y in the ultima are mostly m., and those having o or e are mostly f. ; thus asgwrn, arddwrn, dwrn, dwfr, ellyll, byd, bryn are m. ; colqfn, tonn, ffordd, ffenestr, gwen, deddf are f. But exceptions are so numerous that the rule is of no great practical value.

The reason for the rule is that Brit, u and i, which normally give W. w and y, were affected to o and e by the lost f. ending -a, 68, thus bringing about a preponderance of f. nouns with o and e. The reasons for the numerous exceptions are the following: (i) o and e may be original Brit., and not the result of affection at all, as in mdr m. 'sea', penn m. 'head' ; (2) y is often due to affection by the lost f. ending -I; as in blwyddyn f., telyn f. etc. ; (3) endings other than -a, -I caused no affection ; hence jfrwd f., hwch f. etc.

u seems to some extent to have followed the analogy of w, thus W. cur m. < Lat. cura f. ; most monosyllables with u are thus m. ; but dud ' vehicle ', tud ' people, country ', hug ' covering ', dun ' thigh ', hun ( sleep ', punt ' i \ffust ' flail ' are f.

There is no reason why a, i and the diphthongs should be distinctive of gender ; and rules which make them the basis of such a distinction are arbitrary, and worse than useless. Thus Mendus Jones, Gr. 2 75, states that monosyllables having a are f. ; Anwyl, Gr. 28, says they are m., and names 13 exceptions (omitting gardd, sarff, barf, nant, cad, Hath, barn, etc., etc.) ; actually, the proportion of m. to f. (excluding Eng. words, and names of males and females, as tad, mam) is about 55 : 45. Similarly monos. with i are said to be in.; in reality the numbers of m. and f. are practically equal : m., Hid, gwrid, pridd, llif ' flood ', rhif, brig, cig, cil, mil ' animal ', jffm, llin, min, gwin, glin, tir, mis, plisg, llith ' mash ' ; f., pi, crib, gwib, gwich, tid, ffridd, llif 'saw', gurig, pig, hil, mil ' 1000', hin, tin, trin, rhin, gwisg, cist, llith ' lesson '.

ii. A few doublets occur with m. -?-, f. -o- ; as cwd m. c bag ', cod f. ' purse '. The others are borrowed words containing -or + cons. ; as iorf ' crowd ' < Lat. turbo, : twrf ' tumult ' ; fforch ' a fork ' < liaLfurca : ffwrch ' the fork, haunches ' \-ffordd ' way ' < O.E./ord : iffwrdd ' away ' ; bord ' board, table ' < M.E. lord : Iwrdd id.<O.E. lord.

Also with -yn : -en, as ysgellyn : ysgallen 130 iii, coegyn : coegen etc., 137 \,ffwlcyn :ffolcm, and S."W, dial, crwtyn 'boy' : croten 'girl '.

141. i. The gender of a compound noun is generally that of its subordinating element; thus elusendy ' almshouse' m. like ty ' house ', this being the subordinating, and elusen the sub- ordinate element. So gwinllan ' vineyard ' f. like ttan ; can- hwyllbren ' candlestick ' m. like pren.

There are a few exceptions, possibly due to a change in the gender of the simple noun: cartref in. ' home', pen tref m. 'village' (though tref is now f.) 111 v (2) ; pendro f. ' vertigo ' (tro m.), as Maer bendro ar y llo ZZeza/R.P. 1278.

Epithetized compounds have the same gender as the sex of the person ; thus all-tud ' exile ' generally m. (tud f.).

ii. The above rule also holds for improper compounds, 4fi, in which the subordinating element comes first ; thus tref-tad 'heritage' f . ; dfdd-brawd 'day of judgement ' m. ; pont-bren ' wooden bridge ' f. ; pen-cerdd ' chief of song ' m.

142. i. There are many nouns of vacillating or uncertain gender. Some of them are old neuters, like braich from Lat. bracchium. In other cases the uncertainty is due to the action of analogy.

ii. The gender sometimes varies according to meaning or use : golwg 'sight' m., as in golwg byr 'short sight' (but f. in IL.A. 107) : golwg 'appearance' f., as in teg yr olwg 'fair to see'; bath or math ' kind ' m., as dau fath ' two kinds ' : with the art. f., as y fath ' the kind', y fath btth 'the kind of thing'; man 'spot' in., as yr Sen van gochyon W.M. 140 'to the two red spots ', man gwan ' weak spot ' : man ' place ' f. generally as in Matt, xxviii 6, often m. as in Jer. vii 3 ; note yn y fan ' immediately ', yn y man ' by and by ' ; to ' roof m. as in aderyn y to ' sparrow ' : to ' generation ' sometimes f., as in L.G.C. 204; coes 'leg' f. :coes 'stalk' or 'handle' of a spade, etc. (where there is only one) m., dim. coesyn m. Unrelated pairs : gwaith ' work ' m., gwaith ' fois ' f., as in dwy waiih ' twice ' ; llif m., llif L ; mil m., mil f. ; llith m., llith f . ; 140 i.

iii. Some nouns have different genders in Ml. and Mn. W. This is sometimes due to a break in the tradition owing to the word becoming obsolete in the spoken language; in other cases it is due to, or has been helped by, analogy. Early Mn. W. generally agrees with Ml. W. ; the break comes in the Late Mn. period. The following are m. in Ml. W., f. in Late W. : damwein W.M. 29, K.M. 19 'accident'; Ireint L.L. 121, K.B.B. 71 'privilege'; dinas C.M. 3, 8, IL.A. 44, D.G. 325 'stronghold, city', still m. in place-names; ne/TL.A.. 4 ' heaven ', S.Ph. (m. W.IL.) late i6th cent, has ne' gwyn, but H.S. inid. 1 5th already has nef f., see 160 iii (2) (c) ; chwedyl R.M. 192 'tale', chwedl drwg Ps. cxii 7 ; gruS IL.A. 93 'cheek', y grudd, deu- rudd in the bards, but f. in Bible; gweithret A.L. i 526, B.B. 7, IL.A. 132; ergit B.B.B. 42 ; krevyS IL.A. 143.

The following are f. in Ml. W., m. in late W. : tangneveS W.M. 43, K.M. 30, 38 (but y tangneveS W.M. 55) 'peace ', m. in Bible ; gwirioneb W.M. 29, B.M. 19 ' truth ', m. in Bible and later bards, c.c. 357 ; cygreir C.M. 18, B.M. 160 'truce', m. in Bible, Deut. xxix 14 ; rydit K.B.B. 83 'freedom'; person C.M. 19, IL.A. 3 'person'; llynn W.M. 51, B.M. 36 ' lake ' ; llys W.M. 5, K.M. 3 ' court '.

In some cases the gender fluctuates in Ml. W. : breich, as in C.M. 18 ar y breich ' on the arm ', and in the next line y'r vreich ' to the arm ' ; it is m. in the Bible, but now f. except in place-names ; Jieul ' sun ', m. IL.A. 3, f. do. 1 6 1, generally f. in the bards, m. in Bible, f. in Wms. 257, now in. ; heulwen is an improper compound of haul wenn 46 ii (i) ; clot ' praise ' m. as clot bychan W.M. 142, K.M. 212, generally f. in the bards G. 184, f. in the Bible, i Bren. x 7, now m., orig. neut. 66 v.

iv. The difference is in some cases dialectal: ciniaw 'dinner' f. in W.M. 61, K.M. 43, now f. in S.W. but m. in N.W. ; troed m. in Ml.W. e. g. deitdroet always (not dwy-], m. in N.W., f. in S.W. The following are f. in S.W., m. in N.W. : cyflog, hanes, garr, gwriiadur, llyn, pwys, munud, dorian (though ar y fumtd, yn y glorian in N.W. also); in Mn. Lit. W. these are mostly m. as in N. VV. ; crib 'comb' now m. in N. W., but crib ' ridge ' f. On the other hand in N.W. cusan (m. C.M. 58, 61) and cwpan (m. in Bible) are sometimes treated as f., doubtless a late misuse, as also the use in some parts of canhwyllbren as f. But dust m. R.B.B. 54, m. in S.W., is f. in N.W. and in the Bible. N.W. is not uniform : sack m. in Gwynedd (<Lat. saccus) is f. in Powys.


143. Derivative nouns are formed from simple nouns, from adjec- tives, and verb-stems by the addition of the following endings :

i. Diminutive endings, largely used to form singular nouns 126 : m. -yn, f. -en. The O. W. forms are -inn, -enn, and the n is doubled in Ml. and Mn. W. when a syllable is added, as defnynn-au Can. v 2, cang/ienn-au Luc. xiii 19. They probably represent the Ar. suffixes -mo-, -ma- with dimiu. gemination 93 iii (2), giving Brit. *-inno-s,

  • -inna.

They may also be added to adjectives and vb.-stems, as coeg-yn, ' fop ', (coeg ' empty, vain '), ysgogyn, ' swaggerer ' (ysgog-i ' to shake ').

ii. Diminutive endings added to nouns: -ach, as corrach 'dwarf < a Brit. *-akkos, with dimin. gemination ; an, as dynan ' little person ', gwreigan ' little woman ' ; this appears in late Brit, as -agn- ;

in Ir. it is -an; see 104 ii (i); ell, as in iyrchell 'a roe', < Brit.

  • -elld or *-illd ; ig, as in oenig ' lamb ', < Brit. *-lkd ; cyn, f. -cen,

sometimes added to contracted personal names, as Hwlcyn for IJywel, appears to be comparatively late, and may be from E. -kin.

iii. Abstract and collective noun endings, etc. : (i) -ach as cyfeillach 'friendship' cyfrinach 'secret' (< *-aksd, v.n. suffix 203 i (3) (4)). *

(2) -aeth 'act'< *-aktd, 203 i (i), as in gwasanaeth ' service '<

  • uo-ssdn-dktd< *upo-std-no-aktd 96 ii (2) ; as *gwasan does not occur,

the suffix is here felt to be -anaeth. It takes the form -iaeth from stems in -i, thus added to -aid in dysg-eid-iaeth ' learning ' ; hence hyndjiaeth 'antiquity', gofdniaeth 'smithing'; hence -aniaeth in gwlybdniaeth ' wet weather '. So -iaeth as marsiandiaeth ' commerce ' ; -niaeth as saermaeth ' workmanship ', mechmaeth ' surety '. In ar- glwyddiaeth, arglwyddiaethhoth accentuations occur, seeArglicyddtaeth (4 syll.) D.G. 8 ; Gwledd Dduw a'i arglwyddtaeth Gut.O. M 146/397 R. ' The feast of God and his Lordship ' : Pe talai'r wydd arglwyddtaeth D.G. 2 10 'If the goose paid tribute '. The form in Late W. is the last. The ending is also added to verbal adjectives in -adwy, -edig. as ofnadwyaeth 'terror', poenedigaeth 'torture', erledigaeth for erlidedigaeth 44 iv. It is also seen in -adaeth, -dabaeth, -debaeth, -wriaeth, etc.

(3) -aid, Ml. W. -eit <*-atio-s, *-atid : llwyaid 139 iii.

(4) -aint, Ml. W. -eint : henaint 'old age; dioddefaint 'suffering' 203 ii (3), q.v.

(5) -an : cusan 'kiss', chwiban 'whistle', v.n. suff. 203 vi (i).

(6) -as < *assd : teyrnas f. ' kingdom ' ; also -ias, as trigias 'residence' : Ir. -as m. <*-asm- (: Goth, -assu-) : 1*-0t-td, *-9t-tu-.

(7) -awd, -od, Ml. W. -awt < *-dt- : traethawd 'treatise' < Lat. tractdtus ; molawd ' praise ' : Ir. molad ; used to denote the stroke of a weapon cleSyfawt, etc. 1 39 iii < *-dtio.

(8) -deb, -dab, -dabaeth, -dabaeth, -ineb, -inab all contain *ap- < *9q%-, V ocj*- like Lat. antlquus, Skr. prdtlka-m 'face' and W. wyneb 100 v. In -deb *ap- is added to a -ti- stem, in -ineb to Brit, -mi- (as in brenin iv (10)) ; '-ia- > ie >e 65 vi ; in -dab -inab to allied adj. stems in -to-, -ino- (cf. Brugmann 2 II i 285); '-oa- > '-a- > a. Silvan Evans states s.v. duwdab that -dab etc. are "local forms ", meaning that the -a- is Gwyn. a for e, 6 iii, which is absurd, for dial, a does not extend to the penult as in -dabaeth (dial, atab, atebodd, not *atabodd). The forms with a occur before any trace of dial, a, and are used by writers of all parts : diweirdap p 14/2 R. (circa 1250), dewindabaeth R.B.B. 16, 38, 41, 42, C.M. 93; doethinab M 117 R. (c. 1285), R.B.B. fac. opp. p. i (c. 1310-1330); cowreindab S.T., IL 169/39 R -j hydab L.G.C. 195; geudab Ps. Ixii 9.

Y Drindod a ro a tmdab a Printed dro.

Er deigr Mair deg ar i Mab. T.A. c. ii 78-

' The Trinity bring about union for the sake of fair Mary's tear for her Son.' (9) -der, -ter < *-tero- cpv. Buff. : dyfn-der ' depth '.

(10) -did, -tid, Ml. W. -dit, -tit< Ar. *-tut- : gwen-did 'weakness '; -dod, -tod, Ml. W. -dawt, -tawt< Ar. *-tdt- : cryn-dod ' trembling ' ;

Lat. vir-tut- ( < *uiro-tut-} ; civi-tat-.

-dra, -tra, see (22) below.

(11) -dwr < *-turo-, prob. -ro- added to -tu- stem., cf. Gk. /xap-rv/aos : cryfdwr ' strength '.

(12) -ed, Ml. W. -et, partly < -itds, as in ciwed < Lat. cwitas; partly < *-e-to, Ml. W. dyly-et<*dligeto-n : Ir. dliget. syched 'thirst' ; nodd-fd ' protection ', colled ' loss ', etc.

(13) -edd <*-%' : trugaredd ' mercy '< *trougdkariid : Ir. trocaire;

Gk. -i'5, dvapxia, etc. Most nouns with this ending have become

mas. in W. ; but many retain the orig. gender 139 i.

(14) -eg < -ikd; as gramadeg < grammatical ; so hanereg 'half- measure ' < Brit. *san-ter-ikd. It forms the names of languages as Saesneg, Gwyddeleg, Ffrangeg, Gwyndodeg ' the dialect of Gwynedd ', Gro-eg, Cymrd-eg. In the last two contraction took place. Wm.S. took -aeg for the ending in Cymrdeg, and so, beside the correct Saesneg, wrote Saesnaeg and Saesonaeg, see the headings in his Die. Gtvyddelaeg, Ffrancaeg etc. were also formed, either by him or by his imitators. D.D. s.v. aeg vehemently protests against these solecisms, and against the use of aeg as a word meaning ' language '. a Kanys Yspaenec a Sywedei y kawr C.M. 19 ' For it was Spanish that the giant spoke '. Kymraee/c/twec E.P. 1 1 89. Ffrangec a loewdec Sttetyeith do. 1225 ' Good clear pure French'.

Dysgais yr eang Pfrangeg;

Doeth yw i dysg, da iaith deg. I.R., P 82/309 K.

' I have learnt the rich French language ; wise is its learning, fail- good tongue.'

(15) -es < *is$d : Inches 'herd of cows, place for milking' ; llynges ' fleet ', lloches ' hiding-place ' ; cf. iv (4).

(16) -fa: i.< *-mag- ' place ': por-fa 'pasture'; cam-fa 'stile'; trig-fa 'dwelling place'; cyrch-fa 'resort'. 2. Abstr. for -fan(n) v.n. ending 203 ii (4), by loss of -nn 110 v (2) < Ar. *-m e n- 62 i (2): llosg-fa 'a burning'; lladd-fa 'slaughter'; cryn-fa ' tremor ' ; bodd-fa ' deluge '. The two are confused, and the second class have plurals like the first, as llosgfeydd.

(17) -i is the same as the v.n. ending -i, see 202 ii ; thus tlodi ' poverty' (also as v.n. 'to impoverish '), noethi ' nakedness' (v.n. 'to denude'), diogi 'idleness' (v.n. 'to idle '), caledi ' hardship '. gwegi ' vanity '. ymddifedi ' destitution '.

(18) -jad, -ad added to verb-stems is properly -ad, as shown by

a Tr aeg is of course parallel to the * ologies* in Eng., except that in Eng. no one imagines ology to be a real word. It is strange that the false division was not extended to -es; though a Welshwoman is Cymraes, no one has written Gwyddelaes for Gwyddeles, or called his wife yr aei. such forms as carad, e.g. Hu du di-garad B.B. 86, and especially the form -had (for -ha-ad), which would be *-haead if the ending were -iad ; but with stems in -i- we have e. g. rhodi-ad ( : rhodiaf) ; from these -iad was generalized, but too late to cause penultimate affection ; hence cariad ' love ' (-iad agent affects, see iv (5) ). -ad, pi. -adau is from *-9-tu- (Ar. *-tu- verbal-abstr. suffix) : Lat. supine genitum <

  • gen9-tu-m ; -ad f. < *-9-td 203 iii (8).

(19) -iant is similarly -ant < *-nt-, participial suffix, as in Ml. W. derewant IL.A. 152 ' stink ', Mn. W. dretviant ; it generally appears as -iant in Ml. and Mn. W. : meSyant W.M. 8, Mn. W. meddiant ' possession '.

(20) -id in addewid f. ' promise ', perhaps < *-l-ta ( : Lat. flnitus) ; in cadernid m. 'might' < *-l-tu- (: Lat. sup. vestltum) ; rhyddid is a late re-formation of rhy(S)-did.

(21) -ni < Brit. *gnwnu-, O. W. gnim 'work' 203 vii (4) : mech-ni ' bail' (mach 'a surety'), noeth-ni ' nakedness' ; -ioni < -iono- gnim- 155 ii (i): haeUoni 'liberality'; also -oni in barddoni (bard/tony A.L. i 78) ' hardism '. As -ni is for *-jra, and n%n > n 1 10 ii (i), the ending cannot be distinguished from -i after n ; thus trueni ' wretchedness', gwrthuni 'unseemliness' may have -i or *-%ni.

(22) -red, lit. ' course ', < *-reto-, Vret- 63 ii : gweithred 'action', Ml. W. brithred 'confusion' ( = Ir. brechtrad 'commingling'); in a more literal sense, hydred ' length ', lledred ' breadth '.

-rwydd, lit. ' course ', < *-reido- : Gaul, reda ' waggon ' < *reida, W. rhwydd ' easy, without let, perfunctory', lit. ' * running ' ; a fertile abstr. suff. in W. : enbyd-rwydd ' peril ', gwallgof-rwydd ' insanity '.

-dra, -tra, lit. ' course' < *'-trog-, Vtregh- 65 ii (i) : e-ofn-dra ' fearlessness '.

(23) -wch < *-is-qo-, v.n. ending; see 201 iii (2) : ' darkness ', Jwddwch ' peace '. The -wg in the by-form is prob. due to dissim. of continuants ; see 201 iii (3).

(24) -yd < *-o-luls, nom. sg. of *-o-tut- (10): byicyd 'life', Ir. bethu < Kelt. *biuotuts', mebyd 'youth'; partly perhaps <*-i(i (: Lat. -itia, and substituted for it, as tristyd < *tristitl < trlstilia).

(25) -ynt in helynt 'course'; tremynt (dremynt) 'sight'; prob.

  • -en- + -tl.

iv. Endings denoting agent or person: (i) -adur < Lat. -atorem, as in peclwdur < peccdtorem, extended to new formations : henadur ' elder ', penadur ' chieftain ' ; in creadur ' creature ' it comes of course from -atura.

(2) -ai, Ml. "W. -ei, properly -hei for it hardens the preceding consonant, < *-sagio ' seeker' 104 ii (2), as blotai ' beggar of meal ' (Mawd 'meal'), cynulai 'gatherer of firewood' (cynnud 'firewood') etc. The late artificial formation mynegai ' index ' is wrong in form (it should be *mynacai) and in meaning (it should denote a ' seeker ').

(3) -awdr < Lat. -dtor, as in ymherawdr < imperdtor, creawdr < creator, extended in W., as in dysgaudr 'teacher', llyuiawdr 'ruler'. For W. awdr ' author ' < Lat. au(c)tor (beside awdur < ace. au(c}ldrem) the dial, form awdwr (with parasitic w 16 v (3)) came to be used in Late W. The above words were then mistaken for compounds of this, and wrongly spelt and accented ymherdwdwr, credwdwr. Lastly the -w was mistaken for -wr 'man', (8) below, and a new pi. ymherawdwyr formed instead of the true' pi. ym(h}erodron ; but ym(h)erodraeth remains.

(4) -es < Brit. *-is$a : Lat. -issa : brenhines etc. 137 i.

(5) -iad : hebryngyat W.M. 4 ' guide ' ; it affects a to ei : lleiddiad ' killer ' (lladd ' kill '), datgeiniad ' singer ' ; after w the i is lost 36 v, as geilwad 'caller' (galw 'call'), ceidwad 'keeper, saviour' (cadw ' keep '). It implies Brit, -iatis (or iatd) : Gaul. Na/xavo-ans, TaXdrai : Ir. -ith, i-stem ; the suffix is -ti- (or -to] : Gk. //,arris, Kpt-T^-<s ; -ia- or -a- < -is- or -9- ; the affection of the vowel shows that the -ia- form was already generalized in Brit.

(6) -og, Ml. W. -awe < Brit, -akos adj. suffix 153 (5) forms m. nouns as tywysog 'prince', marchog 'knight', swyddog 'officer', and f. nouns as ffolog, see 139 iv; the former have feminines in -oges : tywysoges ' princess ', cymydoges ' neighbour '.

(7) -or, Ml. W. -awr < Lat. -arius as kaghellaur A.L. i 62, Mn. W. canyhellor < cancelldrius, extended in W. : telynor ' harpist ', cantor ' singer ' ; f. -ores : canto-res.

(8) -wr ' man ' : pregethwr ' preacher ', gweithiwr ' worker ' etc. ; -wraig ' woman ' : golchwraig ' washerwoman '.

(9) -ydd < Brit, -no : crydd ' shoemaker ' 86 i (5), melinydd 1 miller ', prydydd ' poet ' ; -edydd < -atiio : dringhedydd ' climber ', nofadydd D.G. 502 'swimmer'; -idyS : llemidit W.M. 466 HemhidyS E.M. no 'leaper'; f. -yddes : prydyddes 'poetess', -adyddes : gwniadyddes ' sempstress '.

(10) Endings of more restricted use: -ig in pendefig 'chieftain', gwledig 'prince', < *-l-ko-, 153 (9).

-in in brenin < *-1ni- ; cf. pi. brenhinoedd ; -in from Lat. -mo- in deioin for *diwin < dlvlnus, perfjfyerin ' pilgrim ' < *pergefinos < peregrlnus.

v. Endings denoting instrument or thing: (i) -adur, iv (i): Ml. W. paladur, Mn. W. pladur ' scythe ', gwniadur ' thimble ' etc.

(2) -in < -ma : melin ' mill' < Lat. mollna ; ccgin 89 iii ; so cribin, megin, etc. 139 iv. The m. buelin may have -in < *-ikno-, cf. Gaul, celicnon 'tower', Vqel- 'high' : Lat. celsus, columen.

(3) -ell < -ella or -ilia : padell 'pan' < Lat. patella ; pibell 'pipe', ffynhonndl ' fountain, source '.

(4) -og iv (6), besides names of persons, forms f. names of things, as arffedog ' apron ', clustog ' cushion ', of plants, as tewbanog ' mullein ', of places, as mawnog ' peat-bog ', brwynog ' marsh ', etc., and m. names of birds as cyjfylog ' woodcock ', and animals, as draenog ' hedgehog ', llwynog ' fox '.

(5) -wr iv (8) : crafwr ' scraper '. ADJECTIVES


144. The pi. of adjectives is formed from tbe sg. as follows :

i. By change of vowel. The change is the ultimate e-affec- tion 83 ii ; cf. 1 17 i. Examples : bychan ' little ', pi. bychein IL.A. 2, Mn. W. bychain, so llydan ' broad ', truan ' wretched ', buan ( quick ' ; cadarn ' strong ', pi. kedeirn W.M. 40, kedyrn do. 51, Mn. W. cedyrn\ ieuanc 'young 7 , pi. ieueinc W.M. 181, Mn. W. iettainc ; har 'handsome', pi. heirb ; bybar 'deaf pi. lybeir R.P. 1196, Mn. W. byddair.

ii. By adding the ending -ion. Examples: mud ' mute ', pi. miiflyon R.P. 1196, Mn. W. mnd\on\ coch ' red ', pi. cocfyon R.P. T 236, Mn. W. cochion ; gkw ' bold ', pi. glewion ; cul ' narrow *, pi. culion.

iii. The addition of -ion causes the following vowel changes:

(1) Mutation 81: tlawcl 'poor', pi. llodyon R.P. 1196, Mn. W. tlodion; trwm 'heavy', pi. trymyon R.M. 14, Mn. W. trymion \ llwm 'bare', pi. llpmipn\ Ifym 'keen', pi. llyntio* ', mefyn 'yellow', pi. mefyt/ion; Mn. W .main 'slender', p\.meinion,etc.

The comparatively late pi. mawrion is an exception ; an older form is perhaps moryon B.T. 45 ; but the original form mawr< *mdrl (like the sg. ma^vr<*mdros) generally remained : lloppaneu mawr W.M. 23, K.M. 14 ' big boots '. A similar exception is trawsion M.A. i 544.

(2) Penultimate affection 83 iii: glas 'blue', pi. gleissyon R.P. 1196, now written gleision ; dall ' blind ', pi. deiltyon ib., Mn. W. deillion ; claf sick ', pi. cleivyon ib., Mn. W. cleifion ; gwag, pi. gweigion; cadr, pi. ceidryon R.P. 1169 (ceidron iv).

e is not affected: uchel 'high' pi. uchelion M.A. i 5650,; see gwelwon etc. iv. a is unaffected in the late pi. meddcdion ; the old pi. is meddal like the sg. : petheu clayr me&al IL.A. 70 "blanda et mollia ". ae remains unaffected, and the ending in some old forms is written -on, as haelon B.B. 3, R.P. 1169, M.A. i 2830,, later hadion.

iv. After the groups mentioned in 36 v-vii, the i drops, so that the ending appears as -on : gwelw * pale ', pi. gwelwon R.P. 1196, gweddw 'widowed ', pi. gwebwon do. 1236 ; cJiwerw 'bitter', pi. cliwerwon ; hoyw ' sprightly ', pi. Aoywon ; du ' black ', pi. duon ; teneu ' thin ', pi. teneuon ; budr ' dirty ', pi. bndron ; gang ' rough ', pi. geirwon ; marw ' dead ', pi. meirwon ; llathr ' bright ', pi. lleithron (lleitfiyryon in w. yi). The affection of the vowel in geirwon etc. bears witness to the lost i.

In most Ml. "W. MSS. the t, following ez, is lost after all consonants, as in S.W. dialects, 35 ii, as deillon K.P. 1236 (beside deillyon 1196).

v. Some adjectives have two plurals, one formed by affection, and one by adding -ion : harclcl ' handsome ', pi. heirdd, heirddion ; garw ' rough ', pi geirw, geirwon ; marw ' dead ', pi. meirw, meirwon.

caled usually remains unchanged: rhai caled T.A. c. ii 79, pethau caled Ex. xviii 26, cf. i Bren. x i, xiv 6; but caledion Judas 15 (though ccilet here also in Wm.S.), cledion c.c. 334. The spoken forms are caled and cledion. The form celyd K.G.D. 96 seems to be a recent invention; Wins. 372 has Yr hoelion geirwon caled, changed in recent hymubooks to celyd. Similarly Cymraeg is sg. and pi. : henweu Kymraec s.G. 172 ' Welsh names'.

145. i. The only pi. forms which are originally adjectival are those produced by vowel affection; where these exist they generally accompany pi. nouns, thus gwyr cedyrn, not gwyr cadarn. But we have seen that from the Ar. period *-ip, pi. *-iones formed nouns corresponding to adjectives in *-ios 121 i ; and there can be no doubt that W. forms in -ion (from *-ione#) were originally nouns, as they may still be, e.g. y tlodion 'the poor'. The dis- tinction between these nouns and adjectives proper was obscured by the fact that adjectives might be used as nouns, e.g. y kedyrn W.M. 51 ' the mighty ' ; then, in imitation sigwyrcedyrn ' mighty men ', expressions like plant tlodion 'poor children ' were formed for the sake of formal agreement, as the agreement was not apparent in an adj. like tlawd which had the same form for sg. and pi. But the old tradition persisted, and the use of forms in -ion was, and is, optional : eriron d-u, . . , cock, eririon gwinn, . . . glas, . . . lluid B.B. 72-3 ' black . . . , red . . . , white . . . , blue . . . , grey eagles'; clynyon mwyn B.M. 21 'gentle folk', meirch dqfdo. 31 ' tame horses ' ; and is more frequent in later than in earlier periods, thus bratleu trwm of W.M. 23 appears as bratfeu trymyon in the later R.M. 14. Hence we find (i) as forms in -ion were not really needed, many adjectives remained without them, and have no distinctive pi. forms ; (2) in many cases plurals in -ion remain substantival.

ii. The following adjectives have no distinctive plui'al forms in use : (i) The simple adjectives (or old derivatives no longer recog- nized as such) : bach, ban, call, cas, certh, craff, cu, cun, ckweg, da, dig, drwg, fflwck, gau, gwdr, gwir, gwymp, hafal, hagr, hawdd, /ie/i, hoff, llawen, llesg, lion, llwyr, mad, man, pur, rkad, serfyll, serth, sobr, swrth, teg.

bychain is pi. of bychan, not of bach, which is sg. and pi. like the others in the above list; thus plentyn bach 'little child', pi. plant bach.

Yr adar bach a rwydud

A'th iaith dwyllodrus a'th hud. D.G. 313. '

' Thou wouldst snare the little birds with thy deceiving words and thy wile.'

drwg is also an abstract noun, pi. drygau 'evils', hagr is included in D.'s list; Rowland's hagron is obviously spurious it would be

  • heigron if genuine, hen is included because henyon IL.A. 95 is only

known to occur once, and that in verse. D. y C. has hyff as pi. of hoff, as well as aghlyff, "pryff and cryff as pi. of anghloff, praff", craff apparently extemporized K.P. 1361 (praff has pi. preiffion). mdn is usually pi. as in cerrig mdn ' small stones ', often sg. as in gro mdn ' fine gravel '.

gldn ' clean ' has pi. gleinyon IL.A. 102, K.P. 1236, which is compara- tively rare, and became extinct. D. 56 includes tywyll, but quotes an example of tywyllion ; this and one or two others like melysion (for melys pi., Diar. xxiii 8) are not uncommon in Late Mn. W.

(a) Adjectives of the equative or comparative degree. But superlative adjectives have substantival plurals.

(3) Derivative adjectives in -adwy, -aid, -aidd, -ar, -gar, -in, -lyd, 153. But adjectives in -ig, -og, -ol, -us have plurals in -ion, which commonly precede their nouns, but may follow them, as gwyr bonkebigyon S.G. 63 ' gentlemen '.

nefolyon wybodeu ac ysprydolyon gelvydodeu IL.A. 103 'heavenly sciences and spiritual arts', cf. 102. Deddfolion ddynion a ddyfa- lant M.A. i 26 ' law-abiding men they deride '. o'r nefolion ar daear- olion a thanddaearolion Phil, ii 10. NerthoeS nefolyon . . . neu wrlhytu fyveSolyon IL.A. 102 'heavenly powers or wonderful miracles '.

Y mae'r sir wedi marw Sidn

Yn wag o wyr enwogion. Gut.O., G. 219. ' The county, after the death of Si on, is void of famous men.'

Rhoed yn un bedd man-redd Mon

Eu deugorff urddedigion. H.K.

' In one grave has been laid the greatness of Mon, their two noble bodies.' (4) Most compound adjectives, as hy-glyw, Jiy-glod, e-ang, ffrwytli-lon^ melys-lais, etc. But when the second element is an adj. which may take -ion, the ending- is sometimes affixed to the compound; thus claer-wynnyon IL.A. 92 'bright', gloytv-buon do* 93 'glossy-back ' ; glas-feinion D.G. 87 ' green and slender', tal- gryfion Ezek. iii 7 " of an hard forehead ".

D. 56 quotes cyn-dynion, erchyllion (erch-hyllion) as exceptional forms in

Dynion cyndynion dinerth

Hyllion erchyllion a cherth. Anon.

' Stubborn (but) weak men, ugly, hideous and strange.'

iii. Many adjectives have substantival plurals used partly as abstract nouns as uckelion Gr.O. iao 'heights', but chiefly to denote classes of persons ; the sg. is also in some cases substantival. The pi. is formed either by affection or by adding -ion or -iaid, Ml. W. -yon, -yeit ; the latter is used for persons only, and causes the same penult, affection as -ion, except in late forma- tions. Thus caeth ' slave ' pi. keith, Mn. W. caitTi L.G.C. 63, or Ml. W. keitfiyeit or Mn. W. caethion ; byddar ' deaf pi. byddair> later formation byddariaid ; lalch 'proud' pi. leilch R.P. 1334 1. 46, beilc/tion, beilchiaid', truan 'wretch' pi. truain, trueinion, trueiniaid ; gwan ' weak ', pi. gweinyon M.A. i 22o5, gweinyeit R.P. 1196, Mn. W. gweiniaid ; dall ' blind' pi. deillion, deilliaid.

Ar ol y ferch ar wyl Fair

gloi'r bedd e glyw'r byddair. T.A., c. ii 83.

' The deaf hear [the lamentations] for the maid on Lady Day at the closing of the grave.'

A'i lun gwrol yn gorwedd

Ef a wna i'r beilch ofni'r bedd. T.A., A 14975/107.

' Since his manly form lies [in it], he makes the proud fear the grave.'

Be chwilid pob ach aliwn,

Bylchau'n ach beilchion a wn. TA., A 14966/277.

' If every alien pedigree were examined I know gaps in the pedigree of proud ones.'

A phlaid o feilchiaid a fydd. D.E., p 100/249.

' And there will be a company of the proud.'

NOTE, gweiniaid is often used adjectivally in Mn. W., as rhai gweiniaid i Cor. ix 22 ; on the other hand gweinion is often a noun even as late as c.c. 338 (dated 1588). blwyddiaid is the only form of the pi. of the adj, blwydd ' year old ', and is used adjectivally, as saith oen blwyddiaid Lev. xxiii 18 ; see 122 iv (2), p. 206.

iv. Many superlatives have pi. forms which are substantival only ; one, kynaif ' elders ', is formed by affection ; the others take -ion or -laid, as goreuon, hytiafmid (the a of -qf is not affected) ; eit/tafoeb R.M. 186, L.G.C. 140, 152 (beside eithajion} and pellqfoedd are peculiar in having -oedd.

Hopcyn ar lasfryn a'i laif,

Hwnnw oedd fal yr hynaif. L.G.C. 167, cf. 10.

' Hopkin on a green hill with his sword, he was as the men of old.' Llan Nefydd, lie i hynafiaid. T.A., A 31102/158. ' Llan Nefydd, the place of his ancestors.'

I wyth ynys y'th aned,

O'ih ofn crynn eithaflon Cred. T.A., A 14971/390.

'.For eight islands hast thou been born, the uttermost parts of Christendom tremble for fear of thee.'

v. Derivatives in -ig, -Off, -ol, -us have substantival plurals in -ion only ; as y dysgedigion ' the learned ', y cyfoethogion ' the wealthy', meidrolion 'finite beings', rheidusion M.A. i 3150 ' needy ones '.

Ac yr <wyf inneu yn mynet yn erbyn bonheSigyon y wlat hon S.G. 293 'and I am going against the gentlemen of this country'. Efe a dywallt ddirmyg ar foneddigion Ps. cvii 40.

vi. Many compounds have plurals used as nouns only : kyvoedyon C. M.A. i 233^ ' contemporaries ', anwariaid ( savages ', y ffyddloniaid ( the faithful ' ; pengryniaid and pengrynion ' round- heads ' ; prydferthion ' beauties ', abstract.


146. i. Many adjectives containing w or q have f. forms in which these vowels are affected to o or e respectively, 68, 83. The change takes place chiefly in monosyllables.

ii. Monosyllables containing w or y may be classified thus :

(i) In the following the affection takes place in the f., in the literary language: w : blwng I.G. 198 'angry', f. blong see ex.; brwnt 'dirty'; bwlch (kic bwlch A.L. i 524 'meat in cut'), f. bolch E.P. 1327; crwm 'bent'; crwn 'round'; dwfn 'deep'; llwfr 'cowardly'; llwm 'bare'; mwll 'sultry'; mws R.P. 1348 'stale', f. moa I.G. 406 ; pwl ' blunt', f. p6l IL. IL i33/2iia; tlws 'beauti- ful'; trwch I.G. 491 'maimed', f. troch do. 285; trwm 'beavy'; trwsgl 'clumsy'; twll W.M. 133, G.Gr. D.G. 247 'perforated', f. toll R.P. 1045; twnn I.G. 497 'battered', f. town, see ex. y : brych ' spotted ' ; byrr ' sbort ' ; cryf ' strong ' ; cryg ' hoarse ' f. grec K.P. 1274, I.G. 628, D.G. 2 2 3 ; ffyrf ' thick ' ; gwlyb 'wet'; gwyn(n) ' white ' ; gwyrdd ' green ' (but see 68); hysb ' dry ' ; llyfn ' smooth '; llym ' keen ' ; aych ' dry ' ; syth ' upright ' ; tyn{n) ' tight '. All the f. forms of the y-group are in colloquial use, except creg.

Rhoes hivrdd i'm Hong, rhoes flong floedd. G.Gr. P 5 1/4 9. ' [The billow] gave my ship a push, and gave an angry shout.'

Oer yw rhew ar warr heol ;

Oerach yw 'mronn dona yn d'ol. W.IL., G 300.

' Cold is the frost on the ridge of the roadway ; colder is my stricken breast after thee.'

(2) In the following both the unaffected and the affected form are used for the f. ; in some cases perhaps the affected is a conscious formation, more or less artificial: w : fflwch, f. in D.G. 80, but -ffloch in comp. I.G. 226 'flush'; pwdr 'rotten', f. Num. v 21, but podr I.G. 399 ; rhwth ' distended ', geg-rwth f. D.G. 344, but roth I.G. 406 ; swrth, f. sorth ' prostrate ' Gr.O. 59. y : clyd 'sheltered', did f. B.B. 62, but cled D.G. 221 and later poetry, see ex., now clyd f. ; crych ' curly ', f. D.G. 75, -grech in comp. see iv (i); chwyrn 'whirling', f. D.G. 418, late chwern P.P.O. 344; gwydn ' tough ', gwedn D.G. 50 ; gwymp ' fine ', I.R. has gwemp says D- 54 > hyll, ^ DG. 71, nos hyll 'horrid night' do. 500, later f. hell, but generally hyll, and so in spoken W. (the compound diell is not necessarily f. as D. assumed, but is for di-hyll by dissim. 16 iv (2), and may be mas. as diell deyrn M.A. i 4936).

Od aeth Rhys o'i glaerllys gled,

Yr wyf finnau ar fyned. D.N., M 136/109.

' If Ehys has gone [to the grave] from his warm bright home, I too am about to go.'

(3) In the following the vowel is never affected, but the unaffected form is m. and f. : w : brwd ' warm ', drwg ' bad ', glwth ' glutton- ous ', gwrdd ' strong ', givrm ' brown ', llwgr ' corrupt '. y : dygn 'grievous'; grym 'strong'; gwych, f. D.G. 89, 143, 156, 315, 359 'fine' (gwech is a late fabrication); gwychr 'victorious'; gwyllt see ex. ; hy ' bold ' ; hydr ' valiant ' ; myg ' admirable ' ; rhydd ' free '; rhyn(n) f. D.G. 267 ' shivering, cold ' ; syn(n) ' astonishing '. Hed drosof hyd a dir Esyllt ' Misprinted .

berfedd gwlad Wynedd wyllt. D.G. 523.

' Fly for my sake as far as the land of Essyllt from the heart of the wild region of Gwynedd.'

iii. The change takes place rarely in uncompounded poly- syllables :

(1) Melyn ' yellow ' has f. melen always.

(2) D.D. gives " manwl et manol" s.v. but cites (from L.G.C. 318) ntanwl f. ; the form manol seems a variant (? late) of manwl rather than a f. For the f. of tywyll L.G.C. and D.E. wrote tyivell, whicli is quite certainly a spurious form, for tywyll originally had in its ult. not y but wy 38 x, 111 i (2), and could no more take a. f. form than llwyd ' grey '. The true f. is tywyll : Stavell Gyri&ylan ys tywyll K.P. 1045 'The hall of C. is dark'; Tywyll yw'r nos,... tywyll yw'r fro D.G. 267 'dark is the night, dark is the land'; rhan dywyll Luc xi 36. D. 54 states correctly that tywyll is com., quoting as violating usage (" sed dixit poeta") the well-known couplet

Nos da i'r Ynys Dywell;

Ni wn oes un ynys well. L.G.C., MI 46/1 40.

' Good night to the dark island ; I know not if a better island be.' The name, which denotes Anglesey, is properly yr Ynys Dywyll (Ynis Dowyll Camden 4 68 1, Ynys Dowyll Mona Ant. 1 24). Rowland 41 gives tywell as regular, and cites the couplet as an example, borrowing it from D. or his translator, but lacking D.'s scholarship. Some recent writers have used the form, having learnt it from these sources ; and naturally Wms's tyicyll nos is everywhere " corrected " to tywell nos in the new C.-M. hymnbook. The spoken language of course preserves the traditional form nos dywyll.

In Ml. and Early Mn. "W. derivatives in -lyd had f. forms in -led : croc creuled B.B. 41 'bloody cross'; y Sm'c danllet S.G. 294, 329 ' the fiery dragon ' ; urf wyarlled G.G1. D. 59 ' gory weapon ' ;

Ac uybren drymled 1 * ledoer b Printed dremled.

A'i lluwch yn gorchuddwr lloer. D.G. 229. ' And a gloomy chilly sky, and its drift hiding the moon.'

(3) But the bulk of polysyllabic adjectives with w or n in the ult., which are not conscious compounds, have no distinctive f. form : w: agwrdd 'strong' amlwg 'evident', chwiimcth 'quick', teilwng ' worthy ', etc. ; y : melys ' sweet ', dyrys ' intricate ', hysbys ' known ', echrys ' terrible ', newydd ' new ', celfydd ' skilful ', pybyr f. I.G. in' keen ', ufyll ' humble ', serfyll ' prostrate ', etc. etc.

iv. The affection often takes place in compounds :

(i) In the second element when it is an adj. as pen-grych B.w. 163 'curly-haired', f. benn-grech do. 232 (but ben-grych in the earlier W.M. 165); claerwyn M.A. i 92 'bright', f. claerwen D.G. 48; mynygl-wen do. 137 'white-throated', drwyn-llem do. 395 'sharp- nosed'; gwallt-felyn G. 157 'yellow-haired', f. gwallt-felen D.GK 107; di-syml ' artless', f. dt-seml D.G. 53.

Dywed, donn hfcys-gron, las-greg,
Chwedl da am ferch wiwdal deg. G.Gr. p 77/194.

'Tell me, finely-curved blue hoarse wave, good news of the fair sweet-faced maiden.'

Sometimes the first element is affected in co-ordinate compounds, as tlos-deg D.G. 518 'beautiful and fair', sech-goeg I.G. 406 'dry and void ' ; and in rare cases both elements, as cron-fferf D.G. 38 ' round and firm '.

(2) But old compounds, consisting of prefix + adj. and others which are not consciously felt to be compounds, retain their vowel unaffected : hy-dyn ' tractable ', an-hydyn ' intractable ', cyn-dyn ' stubborn ', ed-lym ' keen ', cymysg ' mixed ', hy-fryd ' pleasant ', dy-bryd ' ugly ', cyffelyb ' like ', amlwg, agwrdd, etc. iii (3),

v. The following are irregular :

(1) brith 'speckled' has f. braith, Ml. "W. breith, a special case of a-affection, not originally irregular, see 68.

(2) The change takes place in the penult in bychan 'little', f. bechan, see 101 11(2), and cwta 'short', f. sometimes cota] and sometimes in comparatives and superlatives; see 147 iii.

vi. There is no distinctive form for the f. pi.


§ 147. i. The adjective in W. has four degrees of comparison, the positive, the equative, the comparative, and the superlative.

As the cpv. is followed by no, later na ' than ', the equative is preceded by cyn and followed by d (unacc., a) : cyn wynned d'r eira ' as white as snow ' ; 'of after the spv. is expressed by o : y byrraf o'r ddau lit. ' the shortest of the two '.

ii. (1) The derived degrees are formed from the positive by the addition of -(X)ed, ~ac&, -(h}af respectively. The -h- of the equative and spv. disappeared after the accent 48 ii, but hardened final -b, -d, or -g to tenues, even when these were followed by a sonant ; in Late Mn. W. the hardening is extended to the cpv. Of course all mutable vowels are mutated, 81. Thus the present-day comparison is as follows :

Positive Eqtv. Cpv. Spv. gldn 'clean* glaned glanach glanaf teg 'fair* faced tecach tecaf gwfyb ' wet ' gwlyped gwlypach 9wtyP a f tlawd ' poor ' tloted tlotach tlotaf 6udr ' dirty ' butred butrach butrqf ' tough* gwytned gwytnack

(2) But in Ml. W. the final consonant of the positive was not hardened in the comparative ; thus we have tebygach W.M. 44, K.M. 30 'more likely ', tegach 'fairer* beside teckaf ' fairest* W.M. 226, R.M. 164, Ityfrydach R.B.B. 50 'more pleasant', hidyach R.p. 1 249 ' more necessary '. The tenuis is rare : kaletach B.T. 64, 69 ' harder '. The media remained in Early Mn. W., e.g. rywiogach L.G.C. see 115 ii; caledach G.G1. c. i 195; tegach T.A. A 14967/89 ; tlodach see ex.

Aeth cerdd dafod yn dlodach ;
Aed ef i wlad nef yn iach. H.D., p 99/416.

' Poetry became poorer [by his loss] ; may he go safe to Leaven.'

The equative and superlative, however, always have the tenuis : kyn-debycket W.M. 34, R.M. 22, teccet W.M. 181, R.M. 84, teccaf a gwastataf W.M. 179, R.M. 83, etc. The -h- which caused this hardening is sometimes preserved in Ml. W. : dahet R.M. 50 ' as good* ; mwyhafvfM. 179, R.M. 83 ; ky vawhet, gurhaw 149 i (2) ; pennhaw (-w = -f) B.B. 102 ; see 48 iv.

H On i before the ending, see 35 ii (2).

iii. In Ml. W. f. forms of the derived degrees arose, the endings being added to the f. positive ; these are new formations, and are less frequent in earlier than in later texts ; thus dissymlaf of W.M. 6 becomes disemplaf in R.M. 4. Other examples are tromhaf W.M. 82, R.M. 60 ; gwen(n)ach R.B.B. 60 ; gwennet R.P. 1239 ; do/net do. 1276. A few survive in the Mn. period, eos dlosqf D.G. 402 ' most beautiful nightingale ' ; lerraf F. 1 7 ; Wennaf Wen.

iv. (1) The comparison of adjectives in the Ar. languages is largely formed by means of the Ar. suffix *-ies-. The L-grade *-ios gives Lat. -tor nom. sg. m. f. of the cpv. ; the F-grade -ios gives Lat. -ius the corresponding neuter; the R-grade -is is seen in the Lat. cpv. adverb mag-is. The R-grade -is- with other suffixes gave many forms of the cpv. and spv.

(2) The W. spv. -haf (=Ir. -em, -am) is from Kelt. *-isamos, *-isamd < Italo-Kelt. *-i8 e m-os, -a, cf. Lat. plurimus < *plois e mos. This is formed by adding the ordinal ending *- g mos (: Lat. sept-imus) to the suffix of comparison -is-, just as the other ordinal ending -tos (: Lat. sex-tus) added to -is- forms the other spv. ending -istos familiar in-Gk. and Germanic. [The -ss- of Lat. -issimus is due to some re-formation, probably -is- 4- -simus newly compounded, the latter element containing -(i)s- already.]

(3) The W. cpv. -ach (Bret, -oc'h) seems to come from Brit. *-aks- for unaccented *-aks- 74 ; probably in full *-dk'son < *-ak-ison (final *-on for *-on 59 v) the cpv. in *-is-on (: Gk. -uav, Goth, -iza) of a derivative in *-dk-os of the adj. 153 (5). The general substitu- tion of the cpv. of a derivative for the ordinary cpv. in *-ios is doubt- less due to the fact that, after the loss of endings, the cpv. in -ips did not differ from the pos. pi. (*katarn-ios would give *cedeirn), & or in some cases from the pos. sg. (*meliss-ids would give *melys). The suffix -ok- itself prob. had a heightening force, as it has in Lith. when added to an adj. ; in Lettish -dks is the ordinary cpv. ending. The suffix *-ison is formed by adding *-on to the suffix of comparison *-is-. It occurs with loss of -i- in W. nes, haws, etc. 148 i, q.v. ; the final *-on is the L-grade of a suffix -en-, which is perhaps to be seen in amgen 148 ii and haeachen G. 234, apparently an obi. case of haeach 220 iii (6). The final -n of the nom. sg. -son is prob. the initial of no ' than ' 1 13 i (i).

(4) The W. eqtv. -het ( = Bret. exclamative -het) seems to be from Brit. *-t8-eto-s, formed by adding the Kelt, ordinal suffix *-eto-s 154 ii (2) to the suffix of comparison *-is-. It contains the same elements as the spv. suffix *-istos, but is a new and independent formation, in which each element preserves some measure of its signi- ficance : -is- ' superior ', -eto- ' in order'. It is equative in meaning only when cyn is prefixed ; thus cyn deced A ' as beautiful as ', lit. ' equally excelling-in-beauty with '. Without cyn it is an exclamative, as uchet y kwynaf K.P. 1417 'how loudly I lament!'; so Ml. Bret. kazret den ' what a fine man ! ' (in the dial, of Leon the spv. is substituted for it, as brasa den ' what a big man 1 '). In W. it is largely used substantially as the obj. of a vb. or prep., meaning not the quality denoted by the adj. but the degree of it : er i tJieced ' in spite of her superior beauty '.

Zimmer, KZ. xxxiv 161-223, ne ^ ^ na ^ ^ ue eqtv. was a noun like colled, etc., which became an adj. by being compounded with cyn, which he regarded as *kom- ; cf. lliuo ' colour ', cyfliw ' of a like colour'. His explanation did not account for the -h- iii the suffix; hence Stern, ZfCP. iii 1 64, suggests that the eqtv. is a compound, the second element being allied to Ir. sdith, Lat. satis, but this the vowel does not admit of. The fact that teced is a noun in er i theced no more proves it to be a noun originally than the use of gwaethaf

a Both survived for hen ' old ', but the pi. only as a noun ; thus h$n 'older '< *sen^os, h$n ' ancestors '<*em. as a noun in er dy waethaf ' in spite of thy worst ' proves the spv. to be a primitive noun ; the ordinal itself is so used, as ar vyn deu8ecvet W.M. 83 ' on my twelfth ', meaning ' [I] with eleven others '. Zimmer ignores the difference of meaning between the eqtv. and an abstract noun; er fy nhlodi is 'in spite of my poverty', but er fy nJdoted is ' in spite of the degree of my poverty '; the former means ' thoifgh I am poor ',- the latter ' however poor I may be ' ; the idea of ' degree ' is common to the W. eqtv. and Bret, exclamative, and it is absurd to assert, as Zimmer does, that it is a meaning read into the form by us moderns.

Some of the irregular equatives given in the next section begin with cym-, cyn-, cyf-, cy-, which are the regular forms of Kelt. *kom- in composition. These do not require cyn before them ; hence Zimmer believed that cyn before an equative in -(h)ed was identical with the above prefixes, and came from *kom~. But cyn is followed by a soft initial, and its -n (Ml. -nri) is never assimilated to the following consonant; Strachan, who accepts Zimmer's view, explains this briefly as follows : " the form cyn- with analogical lenation became the general form before all sounds," Intr. 29. Analogy usually causes the one to conform to the many; but the above explanation involves the assumption of the many conforming to the one in the generalization of the pre-dental form cyn- (which did not take place in any other compounds of *kom-); it involves the same assumption in the generalization of the apparent lenition in cy-w- (as in cy-wir) ; as the two things (-n and lenition) could not co-exist in any formation from *kom-, the two generalizations would have to be independent, so that the improbability is raised to the second degree. Further, the -n- of ci/n is not only old enough to provect I- and r- ( 111 i), as in cyn llonned, cyn rhated (as opposed to cyf-laion, cyf-ran from *kom-), but is actually older than the separation of W. and Bret., for in Ml. Bret, it is quen. Some other explanation of cyn must therefore be sought.

cyn ( = eyn, in the dialects mostly kin) is now a proclitic, though it may be accented for emphasis ; it was also a proclitic in Ml. W. for it was generally joined to the eqtv. in writing, though often separated, see below. But its -y- shows that originally it was a separate word separately accented, and distinguishes it from all the forms of *kom-, which have y. In cyn-ddrwg, cyn forms an improper compound with the adj., and its y becomes y 46 i ; this is the only case of y in cyn with lenition. While cyf- < *kom- can be prefixed to a noun or adj. as cyf-liw, cyf-uwch, the form ci[n cannot be put before a noun ; we cannot say *cyn harddwch, *cyn dlodi, *cyn rhaid,

  • ci(n gymdeithas, but must say cyn hardded, cyn dloted, cyn rheltied,

cynn gytymdeithaset H.M. ii 419. Zimmer notes this, loc. cit. 197, but does not draw the obvious conclusion. The only word in W. not ending in -(h]ed used after cyn with lenition is drwg, and that is an adj. In Bret, quen, ken (ker, kef) comes before positive adjectives : quen drouc, quen bras. The inference is that forms in -(h)ed are adjectives. Bret, preserves traces of a wider use of ken which shows that it is an adverb or conjunction : ken ar re binvidik, ken ar re baour ' les riches aussi bien que les pauvres ' Troude, Die. Fr.-Bret. s.v. aussi 3. The W. lenition is probably more original than the Bret, non-mutation, as -n tends to cause provection. The base of cynn is very probably *kom- as has been supposed, but it contains an additional element, doubtless an adverbial suffix, probably the loc. suffix *-dhi or *-dhe 162 vi (2), thus cynn < *kon-dhi' } cf. Umbr. ponne l cum ' < *q^om-de, O.Lat. quamde ( quam '.

In Ml. W. beside kyn- as kyndebycket W.M. 34, and kynn written separately as kynn decket IL.A. 19, 67, kynn gadarnnet do. 67, etc. we sometimes find ky- as kygyfyghet K.M. 150, ky Sruttet ib. This is due to the loss of final unaccented -nn, see 110 v (2).

The misspelling can for cyn arose in the i8th cent., and was adopted by Pughe ; but there is absolutely no justification for it either in the earlier written language or in the spoken dialects.

The Ir. eqtv. in -ithir, -idir is not phonetically related to the W. eqtv.

148. i. The following adjectives are compared irregularly :

(1) agos ' near' 222 i (3) ; eqtv. mor ago* s.G. 34, Job xli 16, Jcynnesset C.M. 58 ; cpv. nes ; spv. Ml. nessaf, now spelt nesaf.

W. nessaf, Ir. nessam < *ned-'s e mo-s : Osc. nessimas ' proximae ', Umb. nesimei ' proxime ' : Skr. ndhyati ' binds ' (h < *dh), Vnedh- ' bind '. The cpv. nes ( = nes) < *ned-'son < *ned-son ; as final -on became -on 59 v, it would not affect the vowel; see 147 iv (3).

In the dialects agos is often compared regularly (a)gosach, (a)gosa', thus ffor' gosa' ' nearest way ' for lit. fort ( =ffor$) nessaf M.A. i 3676. These forms sometimes crept into the written language in the late period ; see Silvan Evans s.v. agos.

(2) bychan ' small, little ' ; eqtv. bychaned, lleied ; cpv. Ml. llei, Mn. llai ; spv. lleiaf.

bychan 101 ii (2); vychanet, yr byclianet W.M. 44 ; am beth kyn- vychanet a hynny s.G. 107 ' for so small a thing as that '. For llai see 104 ii (2). Khys Brydydd used a spv. bychanaf, see Pughe s.v. mymryn.

(3) cynnar ' early ', buau ' quick ' ; eqtv. cynted ; cpv. cynt ; spv. cyntaf. buan is also compared regularly : buaned D.G. 132, buanach do. 225, Galarnad iv 19; so cynnar, spv. cynharaj ' earliest ' etc.

.A T t wybwn i varch gynt . . . no hunn K.M. 9 ' I knew of no fleeter steed than this '.

buan 63 vii (3); cynt (: Ir. cet, Gaul. Cintu-) is perhaps cpv. in meaning only; it is believed to be cognate with Goth, hindumists; Eng. hind-er, be-hind, perhaps from V feent- 'point'; cf. blaenaf 'foremost, first': blaen 'point'; cyntaf^lOQ iii (3); cynnar 153 (4); eynffon ' tail ' < *cynh-ffonn shows cynt meaning ' hind '.

(4) da ' good ' ; eqtv. Ml. kynna B.T. 10, R.t. 1403 ; Ml. kystadyl M.A. i 290, kystal B.T. 10, W.M. 4, 7, etc., Mn. cystadl, usually cysfal; as a noun Ml. dahet W.M. 70, daet B.M. 207, Mn. daed, daed\ cpv. gweli', spv. Ml. goreuhaf-&.T. 65, B.B. ^^goreua/TL.tL. 49, but usually goreu, Mn. W. goreu, gorau.

da 65 ii (i); kynna < *kom-dag-; daed and daed, disyll. and monosyll., see exx. ; cystadl 96 ii (3), cf. distadl ibid. ; the frequent use of the word caused the reduction -adl > -al ; J.D.R.'s cystadled, and later cystled seem to be wrongly standardized forms of Gwyn. dial, cystlad, which may well be for cystadl by metathesis; gwell orig. ' choice ' 100 iii (2), prob. not cpv. in form ; goreu appears to be formed from gor- 'super' 156 i (17) and some form of the base

  • eueseu- 'good' 75 vii (3); it is not likely that goreu is shortened

from goreuhaf, for the dropping of the ending would be against all analogy; rather goreuhaf is a rhetorical form made from goreu, and apparently not largely used at any time; the Mn. form is goreu, gorau, 81 iii (i); in the Early Mn. bards it rhymes with -au, see ex. Pughe's gorafis a fiction.

Er da-ed fo J r gair di-werth,

jVt bydd gwir Jieb addaw gwertJi. I.F., M 148/59.

' However good a word without a bribe may be, it will not be [accepted as] true without the promise of a bribe.'

Gwae ni dy ddaed gan dy ddwyn. T.A., G. 230 (7 syll.).

' Woe to us that thou wert so good since thou art taken away.' Cf. L.G.C. 190.

gwyl gwr gael y gorau,

Oed i'r gwr hwn drugarhau. T.A., A 24980/85.

' If a man sees that he has the best [of it], it is time for that man to relent.' So iau/orau H.C.IL., IL 133/2126; H.D.p 99/498.

(5) drwg ' bad' ; eqtv. kynfowc R.P. 1357, S.G. u, 34, 37, etc., cynddrwg Gen. xli 19 ; as a noun drycket W.M. 227, Mn. dryced D.G. 40 ; cpv. gwaeth ; spv. gwaeihaf.

drwg, Bret, drouk, droug, Ir. droch-, drog- < Kelt. *druko- Vdhreugh/q- : Skr. druh-, dhruk ' injuring, betraying ', druhyati ' hurts ', Germ. Trug : Lat. fraus; cynddrwg 147 iii (4); gwaeth, gwaethaf, Bret, gwaz, gwasa, Vann. gwac'h, Corn, gweth, gwetha ; the Bret forms show that W. wae is for woe, so that Stokes's *uakto-e Fick 4 ii 26018 inadmissible; hence probably gwaethaf < *gwoe8-haf < *uj)o-f>ed-is e mos 75 ii (i) : Lat. peesimus < *ped-s e mos; in that case gwaeth is formed from the superlative; see llydan (n) below. These are, then, the compared forms of gwael ' base, vile ', the posi- tive often having a suffix lost in comparison, cf. mawr, hir, uchel ; and gwael represents *upo-ped-lo-s ; its derivative gwaelawt ' bottom ', O. W. guailaut, preserves the literal meaning (' under foot '). Of course in Ml. and Mn. W. gwael is compared regularly, its relation to gwaethaf having been forgotten.

(6) hawdd 'easy'; eqtv. hawsset IL.A. 81, Mn. hawsed', cpv. haws; spv. hawssqfTL.k. 81, S.G. 13, Mn. kawsaf.

hawdd, originally ' pleasant ', as in hawddfyd ' pleasure ', hawdit ( = hawS-SyS) B.B. 90 'fine day ', hawdd-gar 'handsome' 153(8) for *hwawdd 94 iv < Ar. *suadu-s : Gk. 1781;?, Skr. svddu-h, O. E. swete, Lat. sudvis ( < *suddui-s), etc. ; cpv. haws < *sudd'son < *8uddison=Qk. f)8t<av < *suadison\ spv. hawsaf < *sudd*s e mos\ the -aw- instead of -o- in the penult is due to the lost w before it ; cf. gwawd ' song ' < *uat-, Ml. pi. gwawdewR.P. 1216. In Gaul, we find Suadu-rix, -genus (prob. -a-). For the development of the meaning cf. E. ease ' comfort ; facility '.

In Recent W. we sometimes see hawddach and Jiawddaf which come from the most debased dialect ; good speakers still use the standard forms haws, hawsaf.

Similarly an-hawdd, anawS R.P. 1227, e ^c. 48 iv, Mn. anodd ' difficult', O.W. hanaud CP. ; eqtv. anhawsed\ cpv. dnaws, dnos; spv. anhdwsaf.

Owing to its obvious formation the word is generally written anhawdd in the late period; but the regular Mn. form is dnodd, because h is lost after the accent 48 iv, and unaccented aw > o 71 ii (i). The spoken form is ano8, in some parts hdnoB by early metathesis of h, as perhaps in the O.W. form above.

Maddau tin ym oedd anodd
^a bai yn fyw neb un fodd. I.D., o. 135; cf. c.c. 193.

' It was difficult for me to part with one whose like did not live.'

Eithr anos yw d'aros di. T.A., c. i 340.

' But it is more difficult to confront thee.'

But the prefix may be separately accented 45 iv (2), in which case the word is necessarily dn-hdwdd ; this form is attested in

O deuaf wyl i'w dai fo,
An-hawdd fydd fy nyhuddo. Gut.O., A 14967/60.

' If I come on a holiday to his houses, it will be difficult to comfort me.'

(7) hen ' old ' ; eqtv. Jiyned ; cpv. hyn B.T. 26 = Mn. hyn '; liynach c.c. 342 ; spv. liynaf^ O.W. hinham. hen, Ir. sen < Ar. *smo-*=Gk. fvo?, Skr. sdnah, Lith. Snas 'old', Lat. sen- ; cpv. //., Ir. ae'm'w < *smt'os=Lat. senior; spv. hyn(h)af < *sen-is e mos, see ttydan below. The cpv. A^w is still in colloquial use, though the later and weaker hynach is more common ; in S.W. also a still later henach, henaf, re-formed from the pos.

(8) hir ' long ' ; eqtv. Icy'hyt W.M. 43, cyfiyd 41 v, contr. to cijd; as a noun h yd, e.g. in er hyd 1 however long'; cpv. hwy ; spv. hwyaf.

JT / V

hir 72 ; the root is * sei- ; cylyd ' as long ' < * ko-sit- ; Aye? ' length ', Ir. sith < *si-t-, E 2 *?- 63 vii (5); cpv. hwy, Ir. (Ha <

  • seison for *sei-ison ib. ; so spv. hwyaf, Ir. tam < *seis e mo8.

The contracted form c$e is common in Mn.W. : cifd a rhaff D.G. 48 ' as long as a rope', ci[d a gwydd D.E. G. 124 ' as long as trees ', cyd E.P. PS. xliv 23 'so long'; cyd a phregelh 'as long as a sermon '. cyd < c^hifd (which gives Card. dial, dotyd).

(9) ieuancj iefanc, ifanc 76 iii (3) ' young ' ; eqtv. ieuanghet R.M. 160, ivanghet C.M. 84; cpv. Ml. ieu B.T. 36, 28, Mn. iau\ also ieuanghach s.G. 66 ; ieuangach Job xxx i ; spv. ieuhaf ^A.L. i 543, i'ez^z/', j/Sz/*, ieuangaf.

ieuanc, Bret, iaouank, Ir. oac, contr. oc (whence W. Jiog-lanc ' lad '); cpv. tm < *iuuios (Ir. oa with -a from the spv., see 1 1 below) : Skr. ydviyas- ; spv. ieuaf, Ir. dam < *iuuis e mos.

(10) issel, now written isel * low ' ; eqtv. isset R.M. 94, Mn. ised ; cpv. is ( = u) ; spv. ma/j wfl/.

W. z'sseZ = Ir. is(s)el. The origin of the word is not certain, but it is most probably cognate with Lat. Imus. Brugmann IF. xxix 2 ioft*. derives Imus, Osc. imad-en ' ab imo ' from ** or *ld an adv. from the pron. stem *i-, as Lat. demus, demum is formed from de ; and quotes other examples of ' here ' becoming ' here below '. The Kelt. adj. is obviously formed after *upselo-s(> W. uchel i high' 86 iv); if the orig. adv. was *ld, the adj. would be *id-selo-s > *1sselo-s, which gives W. issel, Ir. issel regularly. Pedersen suggests *ped-selo-, V ped- ' foot ' ; but the connexion with Ital. spv. Imo- is more probable.

(u) llydan ' wide ' ; eqtv. cyfled, as a noun lied; cpv. lied, late lletach\ spv. lletaf.

W. llydan, Ir. lethan 63 viii (i); W. lied noun, see ibid. ; spv. lletaf < *plet-is e mo-8. The cpv. lied, Ir. letha (-a added in Ir.) is irregular; Osthoff derived W. lied from *plet-is (Thurneysen Gr. 227), but it is not clear why the adverbial form -is should be generalized (the regular *pletios would give W. *llyd, Ir. *lithiu). As many comparatives were the same as the superlative without its ending, e. g. hwy, hwyaf, Ir. sia, slam, the probability is that some, which differed, were assimilated, so that lied is a re-formation of

  • llyd on the analogy of lletaf. This seems also the simplest explana-

tion of Ir. letha and similar forms. In the same way "W. hynaf seems to owe its y to the comparative Tiyn, 65 iv (i).

The cpv. lied in Job xi 9 is changed in late editions to llettach ; the literary form is lied : thus Eidion lied no'r dunnell win IL. A 14967/20 ' an ox broader than a tun of wine '; cf. L.G.C. 429.

drugareddpen Calf aria, sydd yn llawer lied nar byd. Wms. 490. ' Oh the mercy of mount Calvary, which is much wider than the world.'

(12) mawr ' large, great ' ; eqtv. Ml. kymeint, Mn. cymaint, and Ml. kymein, Mn. cymain 106 iii (2) ; as a noun meint, Mn. maint ; cpv. Ml. moe 75 i (3), Ml. and Mn. mwy, as an adv. mwyach also ; spv. mwyhaf\ 147 ii (2), mwyaf.

W. mawr, Ir. mar, mor, Gaul. Seyo-jitapos < Kelt. *md-ro-s; cpv. mwy, Ir. maa, moo, mou < *md-io8 75 i (3) ; spv. mwyhaf <

  • mais e mos < *ma-is e mos; the eqtv. noun maint < *ma-nti-s <
  • ma-nti-s 74 iv, with the suffix of numeral substantives such as
  • dekantl-s < *dekm-ti-s : Skr. dasatih ' a decade ' ; cf. the formation

of eqtv. adjectives with ordinal suffixes ; cf. also pa veint C.M. 78 ' how many ', y meint gwyr a oe8 i8aw K.B.B. 46 ' the number of men that he had '=' as many as he had ', etc. The dialectal form cymin(t) of the eqtv. is met with, though rarely, in the bards :

Nid cymin ar y min mau

Elys gwin a bias i genau. D.G. 317.

' Not so much on my mouth is the desire of wine as of the taste of her lips.'

(13) tren(n) 'strong' ; cpv. trech (= trech); spv. trechaf.

Trechaf treisied, gwannaf gwaedded prov. ' let the strongest oppress, the weakest cry'. S.T. has a new cpv. trechach P. 6.

W. trenn, Ir. tren < *trek-sno-8, V stereg- : Germ, stark, streny, Eng. strong ; cpv. trech, Ir. Iressa (with added -a) < *trek-'son < *treg-ison ; spv. trechaf, Ir. tressam < *trek- 8 e mo-8.

chweg ' sweet ' has Ml. cpv. chwechach W.M. 481, B.M. 121, formed like trechach from an old cpv. *chwech < *suek-'son.

(14) uchel ' high '; eqtv. Ml. kyvuch, Mn. cyfuwch, contr. cuwch ; exclam, uchet R.P. 1417 ; as a noun uchet W.M. 189 ; cpv. Ml. uch, Mn. uwch ; spv. uchaf.

uchel 86 iv, 96 iv (3); wh, uwch < * up- 'son; uchaf < *up- 's e mos : Lat. s-ummus < *s-up-mo-s, Gr. vTraros < *up-m-to-s. On the mutation uch- : uwch see 77 x. The form uwchaf sometimes met with in Late W. ignores the mutation ; it is a re-formation from uwch, as children say buwchod for buehod ' cows ', sg. buwch. ii. The following- have defective comparison :

(1) Spv. eithaf ' uttermost '< *ekt e mos : Lat. extimus, 109 iv (i) (to cpv. eithr 'except, but', Ir. echtar < *eklro-s : Lat. extra 99 v (4) ; to positive eh- ech- < * eks- : Lat. ex).

(2) Cpv. amgen ' other ; better ' ; also a later amgenach s.G. 200, D.N. F.N. 91.

Ac amgen ledyr no hwnnw ny phrynei ef W.M. 67 'And other leather than that he did not buy '.

amgen is a cpv. of similar form to hagen 222 iii (4), and may be neg. in a(n)- of the cpv. corresponding to the spv. megys 2 1 5 iv (3) ' like ' ; thus *n-sm-ak-is-en- > *amgien > amgen 1 00 vi. (As the 2nd syll. drops -is- remained and gave i not h.)

(3) prif ' chief '< Lat. primus is not felt as a spv. in "W. ; it always forms the first element of a compound : 155 iii (i).

iii. Equatives with the prefix cy- may have before this the prefix go-, as gogymaint, gogyfuwch etc. Thus

A'r Hall a oeS yn kynSuet ac yn ogymeint a bran s.G. 99 ' and the other was as black and as large as a crow '. yn ogyfuwch d Duw, Phil, ii 6. This form is sometimes predicated of both the things compared: Nid gogyhyd esgeiriau y cZo^Diar. xxvi 7.

149. i. Many nouns take the endings of comparison, and thereby become adjectives of the respective degrees.

(1) The following are in common use in Mn. W. :

rhaid 'need'; eqtv. cyn rheitied D.G. 299 'as necessary, as fitting'; cpv. Ml. reidyach E.P. 1249, Mn. rheitiack 'more necessary, more fitting' ; spv. Ml. reittaf'Si.?. 1148, Mn. rkcitiaf.

rhaid < Kelt. *(p)rat-io- ' due, due share ' < *pr9t-, */pero- ' dis- pose ' : W. rhad see below, rhann ' share ', Lat. part- 63 vii (2), W. barn 101 iii (2).

elw ' profit ' ; cpv. elwach ' profiting more, better off', as (pd) faint elwach fyddi di / ' how much better off wilt thou be ? '

elw is properly helw, still so pronounced in Gwynedd in phrases like ar dy helw ' in thy possession ' ; helw = Ir. selb ' possession ' both < *sel-uo-, V sel- ' take ' : Ir. selaim ' I take ', Gk. eAetv, Goth, saljan, O.E. seflan, E. sell.

blaen 'point, front' ; also adj. as troed blaen ' fore-foot' ; spv. blaenaf, ' foremost, first' ; 215 iii (10).

61 ' rear, track', as yra 61 'after, according to' 215 iii (6), 61 troed 'foot-print'; also adj. as troed 61 i hind foot ' ; spv. olaf'l&st ' < *ol-u 6 mos : Lat. ultimus < *ol-t e mos.

pen(n) ' head ' ; spv. pennaf ( chief ; also in Ml. and Early Mn. W. cpv. pennach IL.A. 89, G.GJ. P 83/58 ' higher, superior' ; 89 iii.

rhad 'gift, grace', having become an adj. 'cheap' from the phrase yn rhad ' gratis ', is compared regularly.

rhad < *prt- : rhann, Skr. jmrtdrn ' reward ' ; see rhaid above.

diwedd 'end'; spv. diwaethaf ' last ' IL.A. 7, R.F. 1195, I3 49 1298, p 16/19 R -> J P etr i 5 ty R-D. (in Wm.S.); diwethaf IL.A. 43, 59, P 14/11 B., A.L. i 4, 48, 50, Matt, xx 8 Wm.S.; so in Es. ii 2, xlviii 12, Jer. xxiii 20 in 1620; but generally in 1620, and everywhere in late bibles, diweddaf.

A.L. i 48 dyuedafdoes not imply 8, as we have pemdec for pym- the<7 on the same page. The form diweddaf seems to come from Wm.S.'s dyweddaf Matt, xxvii 64 ; and as it seemed to be " regular" it ousted the traditional forms in the written lang. of the ipth cent.; but the spoken forms are dwaetha' (Powys), dwytha? (Gwyn.), and dwethct (S.W.).

Caned dy feirdd cyntaffdm,

A diwaethaf y deuihum. T.A., A 14901/26.

'Let thy bards sing I was the first [of them], and I have come last '.

The O.W. diued B.S.CH. 2 and Bret, divez, Corn, dewedh, Ir. diad, dead show that the noun diwedd cannot be for *diwaedd ; on the other hand diwaethaf cannot well be for diwethaf. The explanation of the former seems to be that it comes from an intensified form with

  • -uo-, which survived only in the spv. ; thus diwaethaf < *diwoe8-haf

< *di-uo-(u)ed-isamo-s, cf. gwaethaf (5) above.

diwedd is ' end ' in the sense of ' close, conclusion ', not a geo- metrical term; hence from *di- 'out' + ued-, Vuedh- 'conduct, lead' : Lith. vedu ' I conduct, lead', E. wed, etc., cf. W. gor-8iwe8af ' I overtake '.

(2) Many other cases occur in Ml. W. : gurhaw {=gwrhaf) B.B. 41 'most manly'; amserac/i W.M. 9, K.M. 6 'more timely'; tlessach W.M. 17, R.M. n 'more beneficial' (lies 'benefit'); dewissach C.M. 1 1 ' preferable ' (dewis ' choice ' noun) ; pennaduryaf do. 8 'most princely'; ky vawhet R.M. 149 'as cowardly', bawaf J?.P. 1278 'most vile' (baw 'dirt').

ii (i) Equative adjectives are formed from many nouns by prefixing cyf-, cgrm-, (as cyfled, cymaint); thus kyfliw R.B.B. 179 ' of the same colour ' ; kyvurb W.M. 75 ' of the same rank ' ; kymoneb ib. ' as noble ' (boneb ' nobility ') ; kyvoet do. 27 ' of the same age ' ; cyfryw ' of the same kind, such '.

(2) In one or two cases the second element no longer exists in its simple form either as a noun or adj. : cyfred ' as swift ' (rhedeg ' to run ') ; cyfref ' as thick ' (rhefedd ' thickness ').

(3) Compounds of un- ' one ' also form the equivalents of equative adjectives: unlliw a D.G. 17 'of the same colour as'; neb un fodd 148 i (6), ' any one like ' (modd ' manner '), unwedd a ' like ', etc.

15O. Most adjectives may be compared regularly, including i. Many derivatives in -aidd, -ig, -in (not denoting substance), -off, -us-, asperaidd 'sweet', eqtv. cyn bereiddied, cpv. pereiddiach, spv. pereiddiaf', so pvymeqf* most important ', gerwinaf" roughest ', cyfoethocaf- richest ', grymusaf' mightiest '. But those containing more than two syllables are mostly compared periphrastically.

Verbal adjectives in -adwy, -edig are not compared (except peri- phrastically), though caredig ' kind ', no longer felt as a verbal adj., is, e. g. caredicaf ' kindest '. Adjectives in ~ol are rarely compared ; those in -aid, -in denoting material, and in -lyd are not compared.

ii. Compounds in which the second element is an adjective ; as gloyw-buqf IL.A. 93 ' of a most glossy black ', llathyr-w^nnaf ib. ' most lustrously white ', klaer-u-ynnqf ib. ' most brilliantly white', cyn vlaen-llymet . . . blaen-llymaf W.M. 176 'as sharply pointed . . . most sharply pointed '.

Dwy fron mor wynion a'r od, G-loyw-wynnach. na gwylanod. D.G. 148.

' Two breasts as white as enow, more luminously white than sea- gulls.'

But when the second element is an adj. compared irregularly, the compound cannot be compared, as maleis-ddrwg, troed-lydan, pen-uchel, etc. A few of these may, however, be compared by adding the endings to derived forms, as gwertJi-fawr ' valuable ', spv. gwerthvawrussaf IL.A. 80, or gwerthfawrocaf '; clod-fawr ' cele- brated', spv. clodforusaf. (G.M.D. has gwerthvoraf'R.v. 1195, an unusual form.)

Adj. compounds with noun final as ysgafn-droed ' light-footed' can only be compared periphrastically.

161. i. Adjectives which cannot take the endings of com- parison as above may be compared periphrastically, by placing before the positive mor, mwy, mtvyaf, to form the eqtv., cpv., spv. respectively, mor softens the initial of the adj. except when it is II or rh ; but mwy and mwyaf take the radical ; thus mwy dymunol Ps. xix 10, Diar. xvi 16 'more desirable'.

mwy and mwyaf are of course the cpv. and spv. of mawr. As they do not cause lenition, they represent Brit, forms ending in con- sonants, mwy may come directly from the neut. nom-acc. form

  • mais < *ma- + -is as in Lat. mag-is ; the corresponding form of the

spv. would be *maisamon (cf. Lat. plurimum, Gk. TrActo-rov), which would give mwyaf 'with the rad., since the nasal mutation of mediae survived only after fy, yn and numerals 107 i.

mor is probably the pos. mawr unaccented, forming a loose com- pound with the adj., thus representing Brit. *mdro-; and so causing lenition. For o instead of aw see 71 i (a). It is now generally accented, and pronounced m$r; D.D. gives it as mor ( = mSr), but mor (cf. pob 168 i (3)) may sometimes be heard, when it is em- phatic. It was first used as an exclamative, thus OW. mortru ox. gl. eheu, morliaus do. gl. quam multos. The transition from the literal meaning ' * greatly sad ' of the compound mor-dru, through ' *very sad ! ' to ' how sad ! ' is easy ; and as the last meaning is equivalent to that of the exclamative eqtv., the form mor dru naturally came to be regarded as a periphrastic eqtv., and was used later with a ' as ' and the compared noun. See examples below.

ii. (i) mwy and mwyaf are only used to compare compounds and derivatives where inflexional comparison is not feasible.

mwy da, mwy drwg, etc., are not used by adult speakers ; Wms.'s enw mwyaf mawr 750 is a childish expression called forth by the exigencies of rhyme.

(a) On the other hand forms with mor are, as shown above, different in origin from the equative, and have had a separate existence from the outset. Hence mor is used freely before all adjectives at all periods. Thus :

Exclamative : mortru gl. eheu ! Mor truan genhyf mor truan a 8eryv B.B. i ' How sad to me, how sad [is] what has happened.' Poet emendigeit y gof ay digones . . . mor dost yw W.M. 477 'Ac- cursed be the smith that made it, so painful is it.' mor Syrys yw R.M. 1 20 'BO tangled is it.' mor hagy-r y gwelei y 8elw ry oed arnaw W.M. 251 'so ugly did he perceive the appearance that he bore.' mor oiryeit . . . mor dec K.P. 1385 ' how bad . . . how fair.'

Wylo'r wyf lawer afon

Drosti hi, mor drist yw hon. Gut.O., A 14967/1 19.

I weep many a river for her, so sad is she.'

Truan, mor wann ywr einioes, Trymed yw tor amod oesf T.A., J 17/201. ' Alas, how weak is life, how sad is the breaking of life's promise.' Eq native : am yyflavan mor anweSus ac a ryitmaethoeb W.M. 30 ' for so horrible a murder as [that] which she had committed.' pryf mor Sielw a hwnnw do. 78 'so vile a reptile as that.' peth mor aghywir a hynny B.M. 177 'so wrong a thing as that '.

Ni bu fyd i- neb o Fon Mor oer ag y mae'r awron. H.K. ' There has not been to any man of Mon so cold a world as it is now.'

(3) mor with a noun forms the equivalent of an eqtv. adj., as O. W. morliavA gl. quam multos ; Ml. W. mor emeu E.P. 1428 ' how necessary '. The construction is not common, and is now obsolete, but several examples occur in the Early Mn. bards.

The construction arises naturally from the original meaning of mor as explained above, for mor-liaws ' *great host ' could as easily as mor-luosog ' *greatly numerous ' come to mean as an exclamative ' how numerous ! '

Nid mor ddihareb nebun

Tn gwlad ni a hi i hun. D.G. 440. 1 No one is so proverbial in our land as she herself.'

/ dad, mor wrda ydoedd/ L.G.C. 93. ' His father, how noble he was ! '

Nid marw ef, nid mor ofud. T.A., A 14879/20. ' He is not dead, it is not so sad [as that].'

Curiais yr ais mor resyn. S.T., JL 13 3/1 700. ' I suffered [in] my heart so sorely.'

(4) mor with the cpv. occurs in mor well Diar. xvi 16 'Oh how much better ! ' The usual construction is cymaint gwdl ! but the above may be a stray example of an idiom once in use. It is quite consistent with the explanation of mor adopted above.

(5) In S.W. dialects mor is sometimes used instead of cyn before the eqtv., as mor laned for cyn laned or mor Idn.

(6) The m- of mor is never mutated, but remains in all positions : thus after f. sg. nouns : gyflavan mor anwebus (2) above ; arch mor drahaus K.M. 227 'so insolent a request'. This may be due to its exclamative origin.

152. i. A positive adjective is sometimes repeated to enhance its meaning. As a rule the iteration forms a loose compound, the second element having its initial softened, as A da dda hyd i ddiwedd W.IL. 62 ' and very good till his death '. Very rarely it forms a strict compound, as P611-bell, ar draws pob hyll-berth,

Po bellaf, gwaethaf yw'r gwerth. G.G1. M 146/154.

' Very far, across every horrid bush [I have driven my flock] ; the further, the less is their worth.'

In some cases the initial of the second adj. is not softened, so that the two do not constitute a formal compound ; as Da da fu o grud hydfedd W.3L. 40 ' very good was she from the cradle to the grave ' ; Drwg drwg Diar xx 14. Where the adj. begins with a vowel or an immutable consonant, there is, of course, no indica- tion of the construction ; e.g. isel isel Deut. xxviii 43.

ii. A cpv. is compounded with itself to express progressive increase in the quality denoted by the adj. When the cpv. is a monosyllable the compound is generally strict, as gwdeth-waeth ( worse and worse ', llei-lai ' less and less ', lled-led ( wider and wider', nes-nes 'nearer and nearer', mwy-fwy Phil, i 9 'more and more'. In present-day speech the compound is oftener loose, as lldl Idi. When the cpv. is a polysyllable, the compound is necessarily loose ; see the ex. below.

Ef d afon yn fwyfwy Hyd y mdr, ac nid d mwy. L.G.C. 357. ' A river goes increasing to the sea, and goes no more.'

Gwr a wella'r gwyr w611well,

A gwyr a wna'r gwr yn well. D.N., v. 4, G. 161.

' A master who betters the men more and more, and men who make the master better.'

A Dafydd oedd yn myned gryfach gryfach, ond ty Saul oedd yn myned wannach wannach. 2 Sam. iii i.

The combination always forms a compound, for the second cpv. has always its soft initial.

mwy na mwy ' excessive ', understood as 'more than more ', is doubt- less originally ' more and more ', the n- of no, being the final -n of the cpv. 147 iv (3).


153. Derivative adjectives are formed from the stems of nouns, adjectives and verbs by the addition of the following suffixes :

(i) -adwy, -ediw, -edig, -awd verbal adjective suffixes, see 206.

Ml.W. -awdyr seems to be -awd with excrescent -r 113 i (i) : annyo&eivyawdyr Hi. A. 53 'intolerable', teimlyawdyr do. 42 'sensi- tive ', reolawdyr C.M. 14 ' regular.'

(2) -aid, Ml.W. -eit : Ir. -the participial; as in cantiaid D.G. 64, Marc ix 3 'bright'; llathraid D.G. 386 ' shining'; euraid do. 13, 64, 88, 220, 372-3, Ml.W. eureit W.M. 180 'golden'; ariannaid, Ml.W. aryanneit B.M. 83 ' silvern ' ; it may represent Brit. *-at-io-s, a -to- derivative of the participial -9t-, It is distinct from -aidd ; euraidd is a late bungle (not in D.D.).

(3) -aidd, M1.W. -ei8 : Ir. -de ; added to nouns, as teyrneiS W.M. 20 ' kingly ', Mn.~W. gwladaidd ' rustic ', gwasaidd ' servile ' ; to the v.n. caru in karuei8 W.M. 145, Mn.W. caruaidd 'lovable, loving' ; to adjectives as peraidd ' sweet ', puraidd ' pure ', often modifying the sense, oeraidd ' coldish ', tlodaidd ' poorish ' ; it represents Kelt.

  • -adios, a -io- derivative of the adj. suffix *-ado-s : cf. Lat. -idius in

proper names beside adj. -idus which may be from *-ado-s, and cf. Gk. -a8- in /uyas ' mixed ', etc.

Also -f aidd in arglwydd'iaidd D.G. 450 ' lordly', -oniaidd in bardd- oriwidd do. 449 ' poetic '.

(4) -ar < Kelt. *-aro- < *- e ro- in byddar ' deaf ', Ir. bodar : Skr. badhird-h ; cynnar ' early ', diweddar ' late ' ; cf. -ro- in mawr < *ma-ro-s, etc.

(5) Ml.W. -awe, Mn.W. -awg, -og : Ir. -ach < Kelt. *-dko-s ; Lat. -acus, Gk. -17*05, -5*09, Skr. -aka-h, Lith. -okas ; added to nouns, as arvawc B.M. 270, Mn.W. arfog ' armed ', llidyawc W.M. 51, Mn.W. llidiog ' angry ', gwlanog ' woolly ', gwresog ' hot ', jwoyttog ' deli- berate ', etc. ; many of these adjectives have become nouns : marchog, swyddog, etc. 143 iv (6), v (4).

The suffix is sometimes added to adjectives, as trugarog : trugar 'merciful'; duog, Ml.W. duawc B.M. 172: du 'black'; geuawc

gau ' false '. The cpv. of the derivatives ended in *-dk 'son > -ach,

which was taken for the cpv. of the simple adj., and spread to all adjs., 147 iv (3); hence added to -og itself, Mn.W.gwerthfawrocach.

(6) Ml.W. -awl, Mn.W. -awl, -ol < Kelt. *-alos : Lat. -alia in liberolia, etc. ; an exceedingly common suffix ; added to nouns, as nefol ' heavenly ' ; to adjectives, as estronol ' foreign ' ; and to verb stems, as symudol ' movable, moving ', dymunol ' desirable '.

(7) -8e; occurring in Ml.W. verse: tan8e, euroe P.M. M.A. i 2926 ' fiery ', ' golden '. It seems to be the Ir. -de ( = -8e : W. -ai8, see (3) above) borrowed daring the 1 2th cent, bardic revival which drew its inspiration from Ireland. It does not seem to occur in prose.

(8) -gar < *-ak-aro-s < *-dq- ro-s ; thus hawS-gar ' comely ' < Brit. *suadakaros< Kelt, *sudd(u)-ak-aro-8 148 i (6); a combina- tion of (5) and (4) above: added to nouns, as epilgar 'prolific' (epil ' offspring '), dialgar ' revengeful ', enillgar ' gainful, lucrative ' (ennill 'gain'); added to adjectives, as meistrolgar 'masterful', trugar ' merciful ' (tru ' miserable ', for meaning cf. Lat. misericordia) ; added to verb stems, as den-gar ' alluring ' (dtnu ' to allure '), beiddgar ' daring '. The idea that -gar means ' loving ' ( ' to love '), which clearly cannot be the case in epilgar, enillgar, dengar, etc., has resulted in the formation in the late period of new adjectives in which it bears that meaning ; as gwladgar ' patriotic ', wriangar ' money-loving '. But many new formations in the dialects preserve the original force of the suffix, as sgilgar ' skilful ' from E. skill. It need hardly be added that Stokes's implied explanation of trugar as 'loving the wretched' Fick* ii 138 is fanciful, as also the popular explanation of hawddgar as ' easy to love '.

(9) -ig, Ml.W. -ic < Kelt. *-lkos : Skr. -lka-h, Lat. -lc-, Gk. -uc- ; as unig ' only, lonely ', deheuig ' dexterous ', lloerig ' lunatic ', bon- heddig ' gentle- ', etc. ; O.W. cisemic juv. gl. primus.

(10) -in < Kelt. *-lnos: Skr. -ina-h, Gk. -11/09, Lat. -mus, Lith. -ynas (y = i); it is added to names of materials, as in derwin M.A. i 191 'oaken', lletrin B.T. 9 'leathern', meinin E.P. PS. xviii 29 ' of stone ', daeerin, heyernin 75 vi (3); and to adjectives as gerwin ' rough ' (garw ' rough '), gwerthefin ' highest ', cysefin ' primitive ' 95 iii (3), cf. O.W. cisemic above.

(11) -lawn, Mn.W. -lawn, -Ion ' -ful'=#aww 'full', 63 vii (2) ; as ffrwytJdon ' fruitful ', prydlon ' punctual ', heddychlon ' peace- ful', bodlon 111 vii (i), etc.

(12) -lyd, after n or r -llyd, Ml.W. -lyt, -llyt 'covered with' <*(p)lt-, Vplethe- 63 viii (i); as llycMyt R.M. 145 'dusty', dysdlyt chweinllyt do. 146 'dusty flea-infested', seimlyd 'greasy', rhydlyd ' rusty ', creulyd, gwaedlyd ' bloody ', tomlyd ' dungy ', tanllyd ' fiery '. When added to adjectives it is the equivalent of lied- ' rather ' : Ir. let/i ' half ', which is ultimately from the same root (' *stretch out > *sur- face > *eide > half) ; as gwanllyd ' rather weak ', oerllyd ' coldish '.

(13) -us < Lat. -osus ; originally in Lat. derivatives as dolurus ' sore ' < Lat. dolorosus, llafurus, Ml.W. llafuryus < Lat. laboi'idsus ; as the nouns dolur, llafur had also been borrowed the adjectives seemed to be formed from these by the addition of an adj. suff. -MS, which was subsequently added to W. forms, gweddus ' seemly ' (gwedd 63 iv), clodus, clodforus 'renowned', grymus ' strong', etc.

NOTE. melua is a late misspelling ; melys ' sweet ' has y, as metis (t = y 16 ii (2)) B.B. 83, 101, melys B.A. 3, IL.A. 42, 70, B.B.B. 208, melyster IL.A. 129, 149, R.B.B. 44. The error is due to the late levelling of u and if, 1 5 i, and the false notion that the word is formed from mel ' honey ' by the addition of -us. In derived forms the sound is y as melysach, as opposed to grymusach, and the v.n. is melysu D.W. 112, as opposed to grymuso, see 202 iii, iv (Pughe's meluso is a fiction), melys is cognate with Ir. milis, and is clearly a direct derivative of Ar. base *meleit- 87 ii, and so is many cen- turies older than any form in -us, a suffix borrowed from Lat. NUMERALS

154. i. (i) The cardinal numbers are as follows : I, un. 2, m. dan, Ml. den, O. dou ; f. dwy. 3, m, tri ; f. fair, Ml. fair.

4, m. pedwar ; f. pedair, Ml. pedeir, 5, pump, pum, Ml. pump, pymp, Q. pimp. 6, chwech, chwe. 7, saith, Ml. *ez7^. 8, wyM. 9, M#W>. 10, deg, deny, Ml. W?, <fe^. II, w ar cldeg. 12, deuddeg, deuddeng, Ml. deubec, O. doudec. 13, tfn'(f. fozV) ar 0W^. 14, pedwar (f. pedair) ar ddeg. 15, jjymtheg, Ml. pymthec. 1 6, w ar bymtheg. 17, r/aw (f. dwy) ar bymtheg. 18, deunaw or tri (f. tair) ar bymtheg. 19, pedwar (f. pedair) ar lymtheg. 20, ugain, Ml. ugeyn, ugeint. 21, un ar hugain. 30, deg ar hugain. 31, un ar ddeg ar hugain. 40, deugain. 41, un a deugain or deugain ac un. 50, deg a deugain, Early Ml. *W.pym(h)iont. 60, trigain, Ml. trugein(t). 80, pedwar ugain. 100, cant^ cann. 101, cant ac un. 120, chwech ugain, chweugain. i^o^saith ugain, etc. 2,oo,deucant or date. cant. 300, try chant, Late W. trichant. 1000, mil. 2000, dwyfil. 3000, teirmilor fair mil. 10,000, deug mil, myrdd. 1,000,000, myrddiwn, miliwn.

tri (or tair) ar bymtheg is used in counting (i. e. repeating the numerals in order) ; otherwise rarely, B.B.B. 404. The usual form is deunaw C.M. 59, M.A. iii 45, Gen. xiv 14, 2 Cron. xi 21, Ezra viii 9, etc. So in all combinations : deunaw ar hugain ' 38 '. pymwnt B.A. 2, 9 from something like *y>efm,pvnte& for Kelt. *q*e'K>q*- onta (:Ir. coica) for Ar. *peng*ekomt9 : Gk. Trevr^Kon-a. For the history of the other forms consult the Index.

Forms like deuddeg, pymtheg, deunaw, deugain may be called " compound numbers ", forms like un ar ddeg, un ar hugain, " com- posite numbers ".

(2) Some of the cardinal numbers have pi. forms: deuoedd, deuwedd, dwyoedd ' twos ', trioedd ( threes ', chwechau ' sixes ', degau ' tens ', ugeiniau ' scores ', cannoedd ' hundreds ', miloedd ' thousands ', myrddiynau ' myriads '.

In the spoken lang. un-ar-ddegau, un-ar-bymthegau, etc., are in use for ' \ i each ', ' 16 each', etc.

ii. (i) The ordinal numbers are as follows: i, cyntaf. 2, ail, Ml. eil. 3, trydydd, f. trydedd. 4, pedwerydd, Ml. pedweryb, pedwyryb ; f. pedwaredd, Ml. pedwareb, pedwyreb, O. petguared.

5, pumed, Ml. pymhet, O. pimphet. 6, chweched, Ml. huechet. 7, seithfed, Ml, seithvet. 8, wythfed. 9, nawfed. 10, degfed, Ml. decvet. u, unfed ar ddeg, Ml. unvet arbec. 12, deuddegfed, Ml. deubecvet. 13, trydydd (f. trydedd} ar ddeg. 15, pymthegfed. 16, unfed ar tymtheg. 17, ail (or ei^7) ar tymtheg. 1 8, deunawfed. 20, ugeinfed. 30, degfed ar hugain. 40, deugeinfed, 41, unfed a deugain. 100, canfed. 1000, milfed.

(2) cyntaf 148 i (3); ail 100 iii (3); trydydd, trydedd 75 iv (i); pedweryB < *q*etu e riios; pedwyry'b (later pedwrydd H.O. 54, 66 ii (2)) has -wy- < *-uu- re-formed for u < u f , 63 viii (i).

W. pymhet, Ir. cotmZ come from a Kelt. *q^eioq^etos, which, like Skr. pancatha-h, implies the addition of the ordinal suffix -t(K]o-s to the full form *penq*e, thus *penq*e-to-s, as opposed to Lat. qulntus, Gk. 7re/x7rros, O.R.G.jinfto, which imply Ar. *penq*-to-s. In Pr. Kelt, by the side of *qHeK>q*eto-s there arose *8ueksetos which gave Ir. eessed, W. chweched', and thus -eto-s came to be regarded as the ordinal suffix. Added to *sektam ( < *sej)tm) it gave *sektam-eto-s, which gave Ir. sechtmad, W. seitfifed ; added to *dekam it gave *dekameto-8, which is seen in Gaul.-Lat. petru-decameto (ablative) ' fourteenth ', and gave Ir. dechmad, W. degfed ; similarly *kntom-eto-s > Ir. cet- tnad, W. canfed. Then -ameto-s or -meto-s was used to form ordinals for 8, 9, and 20, though the cardinals did not end in -m ; thus W. nawfed, Ir. nomad, may come directly from *nouameto-s ; but

  • oktameto-8 would give W. *oeth-fed, so that wyth-fed was again

re-formed from wyth ; so ugein-fed.

iii. (i) Multiplicatives are formed by means of gwaith, Ml. gweith f. 'fois', preceded by cardinal numbers, the two generally compounded, but sometimes accented separately ; as unwaith or un waith 'once', Ir. denfecbt; dwywaith 'twice', teirgwaith 'thrice', pedair gwaith ' four times ', pum waiih ' five times ', chwe gwaith^ seithwaith Lev. iv 6, 17, faith waith do. viii u, wythwaith, nawwaith c.c. 227, dengwaith, ugeinwaith, canwaith, mihoaith.

(2) But before a comparative the m. cardinal only is g-enerally used, the two sometimes compounded ; pum mwy D.W. 146 4 five [times] more ' i. e. five times as many, saith mu-y Lev. xxvi 18, 21 'seven times more' ; deuwell R.P. 1271, D.G. 157 'twice as good', dau lanach c.c. 60 'twice as fair' ; yn gant eglurach s.G. 10 ' a hundred times as bright'.

Afoea ugeinndl, moes gdnmwy,

A moes, moes im un mwy. Anon., M.E. i 140.

  • Give me twenty thousand [kisses], give a hundred times as many,

and give, Oh give me one more.' Tristach weithian bob cantref;

Bellach naw nigrifach nef. G.Gr. (m. D.G.), F,N. 4. ' Sadder now is every cantred ; henceforth nine times happier is heaven.'

(3) A m. cardinal is also used before another cardinal, as tri t(1i)ry chant B.B. 18 '3 x 300 ', tri phumcant GRE. 166 '3 x 500 ', dau wythgant ib. ' 2 X 800 ', naw cleg a saith ib. ' 9 x 10 + 7 '.

This method is now commonly used to read out numbers in the arabic notation ; thus 376, tri chant, saith deg a chwech.

iv. Distributives are formed by putting bob before a cardinal, the initial of which is softened; thus bob un, lob beu R.M. 132 ' one by one, two by two', Ir. each din, each da\ bob ddau I.G. 180, L.G.C. 381, 436; bob dri L.G.C. 148 'three by three'; also bop un ac un C.M. 49 ' one by one ', bob un a dau F. 2,6 ; and bob gannwr L.G.C. 383 'in hundreds', lit. 'every hundred-man', cf. Ir, each coic-er ' every five-man '. Similarly bob ail ' every other \pob eilwers W.M. 181 'alternately'.

In Late Mn. W. yn is inserted after bob ; as 606 yn ddau . . . bob yn dri i Cor. xiv 27; bob yn un ac un Es. xxvii 12, Marc xiv 19; bob yn ddau a dau Marc vi 7; bob yn ail ' every other'. As pob in other constructions is followed by the radical, the yn may have been introduced because it was felt that something was required to explain the lenition. But the reason for the lenition is that the original form of bob here was an oblique case ending in a vowel.

v. Fractions : -|, hanner ; ^, traean ; , pedivaran, chwarter i, wyihfed ; -3^, canfed ; , deuparth |, Mn. tri cfiwarter ; f , tri wythfed.

Rann truan : traean B.B. 973 'the share of the weakling: one- third'. deujKirth . . . trayan W.M. 130.


155. i. Either of the elements of a compound may be a noun (n) or an adjective (a) ; thus we have four possible types : i. n-n ; 2. a-n ; 3. a-a ; 4. n-a. The formation of compounds of these types is an ordinary grammatical construction, and any elements may be combined if they make sense, whether the combination is in general use or not. The relation to one another of the elements and the meaning of the resulting compound must be left to be dealt with in the Syntax ; here, only the forms of compounds can be considered.

ii. (1) The second element of a compound has its initial softened ; thus : n-n hdf-ddydd ' summer's day ' ; a-n hdwdd-fyd ' pleasure ' ; a-a gwyrdd-las 'greenish blue' ; n-a pen-gam ' wry-headed '.

The reason is that the first element in Brit, ended in a vowel, as in Brit. Maglo-cunos > W. Mael-gwn', so *samo-dlie(u)s > "W. haf- ddydd; *katu-markos > W. cad-farcTi, etc. In these, as generally in the Ar. languages, the first element is the stem. In Kelt, when the stem ended in a consonant an -o- was added to it ; thus the stem

  • kun- ' dog ' is in compounds *kuno-, as Brit. Cuno-belinos > W.

Cyn-felyn ; W. cyn-ddaredd ' rabies ' < *kuno-da'K>g*r i iia < *-dhng*hri-

Lat. febris < *dhegkri-s, Vdheg*h- 92 iii, cf. aren 106 ii

(i). This explains the suffix -ioni 143 iii (21); it is a compound of a derivative in -ion- with *gnlmu- ; now * drukion-gnlmu- should give *drygni by the usual loss of stem endings; but *drukiono- gnimu- > *drygion-%nif > drygioni (since n%n > n 110 ii (i)). When the second element began with a vowel, contraction took place; thus *altro + auo > *altrauo 76 v (5), cf. Gk. Dor. o-Tpardyos ' leader of an army ' < *strto + ag-, Brugmann 2 H i 79.

(2) When the first element ends in n or r, and the second begins radically with II or rfi, the latter is not softened : gwin- llan, per-llan, pen-rhyn see 111 i (i) ; so gwen-llys L.G.C. 8, eurllin D.G. 13, etc. ; similarly, though less regularly, in loose compounds : Tien Hew, hen Hys, pur llawn 111 i (i).

When a compound is consciously formed both II and I are found thus ysgafn-llefD.G. 37 ' light- voiced ', but eur-len D.G. 109 'cloth of gold', geir-lon do. no 'of merry word'; ir-lwyn do. 504, per- Ivoyn do. 518.

iii. The following adjectives generally precede their nouns, and so form compounds, mostly loose, with them:

(1) prif ' chief ', as prif lys vfM..i^pnf-ly% R.M. i ' chief court ', prifbinas W.M. 179 ' chief city ', prifgaer ib. ' chief castle ' ; y prif ddyn ' the chief man '. It cannot be used as an ordinary adj. ; such a phrase as *dyn j?n^does not exist.

(2) hen, as hen wr or hen-wr ' old man ' ; hen ddyn id., also hen- ddyn whence E. quoth Hending; Hen-Han IL.A. 105, Hen-Hys etc., hen yd Jos. v 1 1, yr hen ffordcl Job xxii 15, yr hen derfyn Diar. xxii 28, yr hen bobl Es. xliv 7, etc. In the comparatively rare cases where hen follows its noun, some antithetic emphasis is enerally implied, as leuan Tew Hen ' leuan Tew the Elder '.

Er dae'd draw, rai llawen,

Mae gwae rhai am y gwr hen. W.EJ.

' However good [they may be] yonder, genial [young] people, the lament of some is for the old master.'

(3) gwir ' true, genuine ', as gwir grefydd ' true religion '. As an ordinary adjective it means ' true to fact ', as hanes gwir ' a true story ' ; so as the second element of a compound : geir-wir ' truthful '. gwir is also a noun ' truth ' ; compounded, cds-wir 1 unpalatable truth '.

(4) gau ' false ', the antithesis of gwir, as geu bwyeu IL.A. 43 ' false gods ', gau broffioyd ' false prophet'. As an ordinary adjec- tive ' lying ' ; as a noun ' falsehood ' W.M. 29.

(5) cam c wrong, unjust ' ; as cam f am ( false judgement ' , cam ran ' wrongful portion ', i.e. injustice. As an adj. ' crooked', as ffon gam ' a crooked stick ' ; as a noun ' injustice '.

Tasgu bu twysog y byd

Gam ran i Gymru ennyd. S.T., c. ii 209.

' The prince of this world has inflicted wrong on Wales awhile.'

(6) unig ' only ' ; yr unig beth ' the only thing '. As an ordinary adj. it means ' lonely', as dyn unig 'a lonely man'. Cf. Fr. seul.

(7) y naill, rkyw, y rhyw, amryiv, cyfryw, unrtyw, holl, cw&l, y sawl, yckydig, ambell, ami, ttiaws, etc., 165, 168, 169.

iv. The following words precede adjectives, and are compounded with them :

(i) lied ' half 153 (12), as lled-wac B.B. 49 < half-empty ', lled-ffer M.A. ii 586 ' half-wild ', lled-ffol ' half-silly ', llecl-from ' half-frowning '.

Nid mawr well nad meirw i wyr,

Lle'd f6irw pan golled f'eryr;

Nid byw am enaid y byd,

L16d-fyw yngweddill ddfyd. T.A., A 14874/127.

' It is not much better that his men are not dead, [they were] half- dead when my eagle was lost ; they were not alive for [want of him who was] the soul of the world, [but] half-alive in the dregs of adversity.' In the example lledfeirw is a loose, lled-fyw a strict, compound . In Late Mn. W., lied usually forms loose compounds and means ' rather '.

lied is also compounded with nouns, as lied -ran ' half-share ', lled-ioyl ( half-holiday ', lUd-fryd ' listlessness ', lled-iaith ' brogue, foreign accent ', lied ymyl ' border near edge '.

(2) pur 'very', as j)iir-bu, pur-wynn R.M. 151, pur-goch 154; pur-iawn ' very well ', now purion. It now forms loose compounds mostly, as pur dda ' very good '. Used after its noun as an ordinary adj. it means ' pure '.

156. i. The first element of a compound may be a prefix, which was originally an adverb or preposition. Some other vocables of adj. or noun origin have become mere prefixes ; for convenience of reference these are included in the following list. Where the mutation of the initial after the prefix is fairly regular, it is noted in square brackets. Most of the prefixes form verb- compounds also, and some are oftener so used ; hence it is con- venient to include verbal nouns and verbs in the examples.

(1) ad- [soft] < Brit, ate- : Gaul, ate- < Kelt. *ati- : Skr. ati ' over, beyond '; ati- ' very '; 222 i (3). Three distinct meanings occur in W. : (a) ' very ', dt-gas 1 1 1 v (i) ' hateful ' ; (b) ' second ', dt-gno ' chewing the cud ', dd-ladd ' aftermath ', hence ' bad ' as dd-jftas 'after-taste, ill taste'; (c) 'over again, re-', dd-lam 'a leap back', dteb ( < *ad-7ieb) ' reply ', dd-lais f echo '.

(2) a8- before a vowel or / (from m) < Brit. *ad- : Lat. ad ; in- tensive; ddd-oer 'very cold', ddd-jwyn, ddd-fain 93 ii (3). Before a tenuis it is a- followed by the spirant mutation, as dchas 93 ii (2), dthrist ' very sad ' : trist ' sad '. Before a media it is a- followed by the radical, dgarw 'very rough': garw 93 ii (3); but before d- it is a- followed by 8, as a-Sef 93 iii (i) , a-8ail, etc. With initial s- it gives as-, as in as-gloff ' lame ' < *ad-skloppos < vulg. Lat. clojrpiM *8clopus : W. doff ' lame '. Before I- or r- followed by I it gives ei- as in etrt/104 iv (3); eiSil 'feeble', met. for *eili8 102 iv (2) < *ed-M- < * ad-led-, Vied- : Lat. lasms, Gk. XiySeiv 'to be fatigued* Hes., 204 i. In aberth, aber 93 ii (3) it means ' to ' (or is aber < *n-bher- 1 ; cf. Gael. Inver-).

(3) all- < Brit. *allo- : Gaul, olio- 'other ' 100 iii (2); dll-fro ' foreigner '; dll-tud ' exile '.

(4) am-, ym- [soft] < Brit, dmbe-, ambi- : Gaul. 'A/&/&- : Gk. afufri, Lat. amb-, ambi- 63 v (2); (a) ' around ' : dm-gorn ' ferrule ', dm-gylch ' circuit ', dm-do ' shroud ', am-ddiffyn ' defence ' ; hence (b) ' on each side, mutual ', ym-ladd ' battle ', ym-drech ' struggle ', ym-gynnull ' a gathering together ' ; hence (c) reflexive, as ym-olchi ' to wash oneself ' ; (d) ' round ' > ' different, changeable ' as dm-ryw ' of various kinds ', dm-yd ' corn of different kinds mixed ', am-liwiog 'parti-coloured', amheu W.M. 186 'to doubt', Mn. dmeu, vb. am-heu-af< *mbi-8ag-, V sag- : Gk. i/yeo/iai, Dor. ay- 'I think, believe', Lat. sagax. am-c- < *am-%- by dissim. of continuants, as dm-can ' design, purpose, guess' <*am-x<an < *ambi-8l&-n-, V skhe(f)- : Lat. scio, Skr. chydti 'cuts off ' ; and amkaw8 W.M. 453 ' replied, said ' < *am-x~awS 96 iii (4).

(5) an-, en-, etc., neg. prefix < Ar. *n- (K-grade of neg. *ne) ; amhdrod ' unprepared ' : parod ' ready ' ; dmraint ' breach of privilege' : braint; athrugar, anhrugdrog 99 vi (i); an-nedwy8 ' unhappy ' : dedwyB ' happy ' ; angharedig ' unkind ' : caredig ' kind ' ; en-wir ' untrue, evil ' < *an-ulro-s, re-formed dn-wir in Mn. W. ; dn-fwyn 'unkind' : mwyn; dn-fad : mad 99 iv (i) ; df-Us 86 i (4) : lies ' benefit '; df-raid ' needless ' < *am-(p)rat-io- < *n-pratio- : rhaid 'need' 149 ii; so dfrad, dfryw ; before orig. l-\ anllygredig ; an + gldn should give *alan 106 ii (i) ; this is re- formed in two ways, dn-lan, df-lan ' unclean ' ; 6 often follows the analogy of m, as an-fonheddig : bonheddig ' gentlemanly '. The prefix when not bearing the principal accent has often a strong secondary accent ; this might become a separate accent, as in an allu ( = dn dUu) IL.A. 33 'want of power ' ; hence an hdwdd 148 i (6), dn ami 164 i (2).

(6) ar-, er- [soft] 'fore-'< Brit. *are- (< *ari-) : Gaul, are- (in 'Apr)- the rj marks the quality rather than the quantity of the e) < *p e ri- : Lat. prae, Gk. -n-epi ; ar-for (in arfor-dir ' maritime land ') < *are-mor- : Gaul. Are-morica ; dr-gae ' dam ' : cae (: E. hedge) ; dr-dreth ' chief rent ', etc. Exceptional mutation : er-myg ' admired '< *are-smi-ko-, like ed-myg ' admired ' < *ate-smi-ko-, Vsmei- ' smile ' : Lat. admiro, ml-ru-s (-ro- suffix), Skr. smdyati ' smiles ', Gk. /LUI&XW, E. smile, O. Bulg. smSchu 'smile'; cf. dirmyg (12) below; ar-merth, see dar-merth (13) below. Possibly Brit. *ar- : Lat. per, in drtaith 'pang', by dissim. for *ar-thaith < *ar-stik-ta, Vsteig- : Lat. instlgo, Gk. oriyfia, Skr. tiktd-h ' sharp, bitter ' ; and dr-choH ' wound ' < *ar-qold-, Vqolad- ' strike ' : Lat. clades, W. cleddyf ' sword ', coll ' destruction, loss '.

(7) can(nh)- [soft] 'with, after' < Brit. *kanta- < *knta : Gk. Kara; cdn-lyn v.n. 'following'; canh-orthwy 103 ii(i) now spelt cynhorthwy; can-hefatong 'funeral'; hebnvng 99 vi (i); cdn-Uaw 1 balustrade ; assistant in law-court '.

(8) cyd- [soft] ' together, common ', is not, as is often assumed, identical with cyf-, but is the noun cyd as in i gt{d ' to-gether ', also used as an adj. in tir cyd ' common land '. A few of the compounds which it forms are strict, as cyt&n < *cyd-8uun ' united ', cyd-fod 1 concord ', cyd-wybod ' conscience '; but the bulk of those in use are loose compounds in which the form of the prefix is cyd 45 ii (2); in this form it is still fertile ; cqd ddinesydd ' fellow-citizen ', cyd genedl ' kindred ', etc. The word seems to be a verbal noun *Jd~tu~ from */%ei- 'lie', cf. Ml. W. kyt gwr IL.A. 136, C.M. 21 ' cohabitation with a man ' : Gk. xctrai ' lies ', O. E. hxman ' lie with, espouse ', O.H.G. hiwo ' husband ', E. home, W. cu, Lat. clvis 110 iii (i).

(9) cyf- before vowels and i, I, r, n; cy- before to-, chw-, h- ; with following -, cys- ; elsewhere cy(m)-, cyn-, cy(ng)- [nasal] ; < Kelt. *kom- : Lat. com- ; (a) ' com- ', often followed by d ' with ', cyf-ar 'co-tillage'; cyf-liw, cyf-ur8, etc. 149 ii; cyf -ran 'share' : rhan 'part'; cymod 'concord' : bod 'be'; cyn-n(K)wrf 'commotion': tuorf ; cynghdneS 'harmony' : cdn 'song'; cystal 148 i (4). (b) Intensive ('together' > 'fully'); cyflavm 'complete': llawn 'full'; cyf-lym ' fleet ' : llym ' keen '. A few irregular forms are found, which are due to false analogy, as cyf-8y8 ' dawn ', formed after cyf-nos ' evening '.

The form *ko- (beside *kom-) goes back to Italo-Kelt. It occurs before u- as W. cywir, Ir. coir < *9co-mros; before m-, as W. cof 'memory', Ir. cuman < *ko-men-, Vmen- 'mind' (but later *kom- as in W. cymysg (m = mm)) ; sometimes before sq-, sq*-, s-, as W. cy-huddo ' to accuse ' : Icel. sktita, skuti ' a taunt ', O.Bulg. kuditi 'to revile', Gk. Kv8aeiv 'to reproach', V(s)qeud- ; see 96 iii; cy-Mfal ' co-equal ' : hafal 94 i.

cyfr- [soft] < *kom-(p)ro- 113 i (2); intensive, as cyfr-goll 'utter loss, perdition ' ; cyfr-wys (generally mis-pronounced cyfr-wys) 'trained, cunning ': gwys 'known'; cyfr-gain (kywrgein B.B. 10) ' very fine '. cyfr-r- > cyfrh- > cyffr as in cyffredin ' common ' < *cyfr-red-in ; amgyffred ' comprehend ' < *am-gyfr-red : rhedeg ' run ' ; the O.W. amcibret may represent the stage amgyfred.

(10) cyn(nh)- [soft] 'former, preceding' < Brit. *kintu- 148 i (3); cynh-deaf 'autumn' : gaeaf ' winter '; cyn-ddail 'first leaves', cyn-ddelw ' pi-ototype ' ; the t is kept before h 106 iii (3), as cyntaid for *cynt-haid ' first swarm ' (of bees) ; in the form cyn it is used to construct new loose compounds as cifn fder ' ex-mayor', etc.

(11) di- [soft] < Kelt. *dl- < *de- : Lat. de. Two meanings : (a) ' outer, extreme, off ', as di-ben ' end, aim ' : pen ' head, end ' ; di-dol, Ml. di-dawl ' cut off, separated ', see below ; di-noethi v.n. ' de-nude ' ; (b) ' without ', as dl-boen or di boen ' painless ', di-dduw or di dduw ' godless ', etc. In this sense it is freely used to form new compounds, mostly loose, by being put before any noun or v.n., or even a v.n. phrase, as di alw am dano ' un-called-for ' ; but, though loose, the expression is still a compound, thus di gefn wyf c.c. 184 ' helpless am I ', exactly like gwan wyf ' weak am I ', as opposed to heb gefn, yr wyf ' without help am I ', the un-corapounded phrase heb gefn, requiring yr after it. The compound is an adj. made from a phrase in which the prep, dl governs the noun; the formation is old, and gave rise at an early period to the idea that dl was a negative prefix, which therefore might be compounded with adjectives; thus di-og 'lazy ', O.W. di-auc : *auc ' quick, active' : Gk. WKVS, Lat. odor ; so di-brin ' not scarce ', di-drist ' not sad ', di-wael ' not mean ' etc. Lat. de- seems to have been identified in Brit, with the native prefix, and gives W. di-, as diffyg ' defect '< de-fic-. Ex- ceptional mutation : dl-chell 'wile ' < *de-sqel(p)la, Vsqelep- : W.cel- fyddyd 'craft' etc. 99 ii (2); di-cfdyn 'exact, cautious, circum- spect ', as v.n. ' to choose, discriminate ' < *de-sql-n-, */sqel- ' split, separate ' ; di-chlais ' break (of day) ' < * de-8-ql9d-ti- or *de-kkl- for

  • de-kl- 99 v (4), Vqoldd- ' strike, break ' : W. dais ' bruise', archoll

(6) above; dichon, dig&n 196 ii (2); W. didawl, didol for *di-8awl (8 . . . Z > d . . .1 102 iii (2)) : gwd-Sawl ' endowment \ 'deals out' < *dol- : W. ethol < *dol-, see 97 ii.

dis- before t- < de-s-, where s is the initial of the second element, often lost in the simple form : di-stadl 96 ii (3) ; distrych ' foam '<

  • de-strk-, Vstereq- : W. trwyth 'wash, lye' 99 v (3); di-staw

' silent ' : taw ' be silent ' < *stuu-< *stup-, Vsteup/bJi- : Ger. stumm ' dumb ', Lat. stupeo : E. dumb, Vdheubh- (dh/st- alternation). Be- fore other consonants < *de-eks-, as in disglair 201 iii (6). Also from Lat. de-s- as in disgyn(n) < de-scend-.

(12) dir- [soft] 'vehemently' Richards, 'truly' < *deru- : dir ' true', Ar. base *dereu~ ' hard ' 1 37 ii ; dir-boen or dir boen ' great pain ', dir-fawr ' very great ', dir-gel ' secret '. Exceptional muta- tion : dir-myg ' contempt ' < *deru-smi-k-, Vsmei- 'smile ' ; here dir- is not necessarily neg. for beside ' admiration ' as in ermyg, edmyg (6) above, we have ' mockery ' from the same root, as in W. tre-myg ' insult ', O.H.G. bi-smer ' mockery ' ; nor in dir-west ' abstinence ', which is literally 'hard diet', cf. E. fast.

(13) dy- [soft] 'to, together', often merely intensive < Brit. *do- ; dy-fijn ' summons ' : mynnu ' to will ' ; dy-gynnull v.n. ' gather together ', dy-gyfor W.M. i ' muster ' ; dy-weddi ' fiancee '. In a few cases it interchanges with ty-, as Ml. W. dy-wallaw v.n. ' to pour (into) ' : Mn. W. tywallt ' pour ' ; dy-ret ' come ! ' : ty-red ' come ! ' ; very rarely ty- alone is found, as ty-wysog ' prince '. Except, mut. : dy-ch- < *do-sk- or *do-kk- before r, I ; as dy-chryn ' fright ' : crynu ' tremble ', y acrid B.B. 31 ' trembles ', Bret, skrija ' to tremble from fear ' ; dy-chlud : cludo ' to carry '. Hence dych- in dych-ldmu ' to leap up '. In old compounds the o of do- was retained when the vowel of the root was lost 65 iv (2), and might in that case be affected to e, as de-dw-yS 100 ii (i).

dad- [soft] < *d(o)-dte- see (i) above : (a) intensive; ddt-gan v.n. ' proclaim ' : canu ' sing ' ; (b) ' un- ' (as in 'un-do ') ; ddd-lwytho v.n. ' to unload ', etc. The unacc. o of *do- was elided before a vowel.

dam- [soft] < *d(o)-ambe-, see (4); ddm-sang 'to trample ' : senyi 'to tread'; dam-wain 'accident' : ar-wain 'to lead' : Vuegh-. Also dym- ; Ml. damunet, Mn. dymuniad ' desire ' for *dym-fu,n- : ar-o-fun 'intend' 100 v. The m usually remains unchanged, but seems to have become n by dissimil. in dan-waret 63 vii (5), unless the prefix here is dan- below.

dan- [soft] < *d(o)-ando- ; ddn-fon, see ii (i) below.

dar- [soft] < *d(o)-are- < *do-p^ri- ; ddr-fod ' to have happened ' 190 i; dar-ostwng 'to subdue' : go-stwng 'to suppress' < *MO(*)‘under’ + *stong-: Goth. stiŋqan ‘to thrust’. The irregular mutation in dármerth ‘provision’ (of food, etc.) is due to -sm- > -mm-; *do-are-smer-t-, √smer-: Lat. mereo, Gk. μέρος, μερίς. In dárbod, dárpar, the prefix had the form *d(o)-aros-, see § 196 i (3). This form may also account for the preservation of -st- in ddr-stain ' to resound ', thus *d(d)-aro8-stani- : W. sain ' sound ', */sten-.

dos- < *d(o)-uo(s)- + initial s- ; dosbarth ' division, arrangement, system ' : gosparth B.B. n ' rule, government ', Vsper- 101 iv (2).

dyr- (also written dry-] in dyrchdfd ' to raise ' < *do-(p)ro-, see 188iv; cf. cyfr-(g\

It is now generally held that the original form of the prep, is *to, and that *do~ is a pretonic or proclitic form, like W. ti ' thou ', pro- clitic dy 'thy '. But pretonic softening, though it occurs in W. and Ir. cannot be proved to be primitive, and is obviously in most cases comparatively late. The facts in this case are as follows : (a) In Ir. the prep, is do, du, always with d- (as opposed to tar, mostly with t-) ; the pref. is to-, tu-, at first both accented and pretonic, later pretonic do-, du-. (/3) In W. pretonic d- for t- as in dy ' thy ' is not mutated further (i.e. does not become *8-) ; but the prep, was *8y (written di in O.W.) giving Ml. W. y, Mn. W. i; it starts therefore from Brit. *do, and agrees in form with the Ir. ; the pref. is dy-, rarely ty-. There is no trace of t- in the prep, proper in W. or Ir. ; and the supposed original *to equates with no prep, in the Ar. languages. But in Pr. Kelt, the possibility of t- for d- is proved by W. tafod, Ir. tenge, so that *to-, which occurs only in composition, may be for *do-. Pr. Kelt.

  • do : E. to, Ger. zu, Lat. en-do-, in-du-, O. Bulg. do, Av. -da 'to'.

Cf. W. ann- ii (i) from *n-do-, which places *do beyond doubt.

(14) dy- ' bad ' < *dws- : Gk. 8u<r-; dychan ' lampoon '< *dus-kan-

cdn 'song '; reduced to *du- on the analogy of *su-, (19) below, in

dy-bryd ' shapeless, ugly ', Ir. do-chruth < *du-q*r-tu- : W. pryd, Ir. cruth ' form '.

(15) eb- < *ek-uo-; in epil for *eb-hil 89 iii, ebrwydd 'quick' :rhwydd 'easy' 143 iii (22).

e-, eh-, ech-<*eks- 96 iii (6); e-ofti, Ml. W. eh-qfyn 'fearless' : Ir. esomwn, Gaul. Exobnus ; e-ang ' wide, extensive ' : *ang ' narrow '. ech- developed before vowels, but spread by analogy : ech-nos ' night before last ', ech-doe ' day before yesterday '. But the regular form before an explosive is es- (ys-) as in es-tron ' stranger ' < Lat. extrdntus ; estyn ' extend ' < ex-tend-, etc. ; es-gor ' to be delivered ' (of young), V(a)qer- ' separate, cut '.

(16) go-, gwo-, gwa- [soft] 'sub-' < Kelt. *uo- < *upo- : Skr. iipa, Gk. UTTO, Lat. s-ub, 65 v (i) ; gwo-br 'prize ' < *uo-pr- : prynu 'to buy' 201 i (4); gwd-stad 'level' 63 vi (i); go-fdned, 'desire', ar-6-fun (13) above. In Mn. W. go- freely forms loose compounds with adjectives 220 viii (i).

gos-< *uo-s- + initial -; g6sgor8 ' retinue', Ml. W. gwoscoro B.B, 10 < *uo-skor-d-, */sqer-\ dosbarth (13) above.

(17) gor-, gwor-, gwar- 'super- ' < *uor- for *uer < *uper : Skr. updri, Gk. vrrep, Lat. s-uj)er 65 v (3); gor-ffen(rC) 'finish' : penn 1 end ' ; gor-fod ' conquer ' : bod ' be ' ; gwdr-chadw ' guard ' : cadw 1 keep ', etc. etc.

(18) gwrth- [soft] ' contra- ' 66 iii (i) ; gibrthun, Ml. "W. gwrth- vun 'hateful' : dymuniad (13) above; gwrth-glawS 'rampart' : clawS ' dyke ', etc.

(19) hy- [soft] 'well, -able ' < *su- : Gaul, su-, Ir. su-, so- : Gk. v- (iu v-yoys), Skr. su- (? from the base *eueseu- ' good ' with V-grade of the first two syllables) ; hy-gar ' well-beloved, lovable ' : caraf 'I love'; hy-dyn ' tractable ' : tynnaf I draw ' ; Hy-wel ' *conspicuous ' : gwelaf ' I see ' ; hy-fryd ' pleasant ' : bryd ' mind ', etc.

(20) rhag- [soft] ' fore-' < *prako-, by 65 ii (i) < *pro-qo- (i.e.

  • pro- with suffix -qo-) : Lat. reci-procu-s < *reco-proco-s ; rhdg-farn

'prejudice ' : barn 'judgement' ; rMg-fur 'contramure ' : mur 'wall'; rhdg-ddor ' outer door ' ; rhag-luniaeth ' providence ', etc.

(21) rhy- [soft] 'very, too' : Ir. ro- : Lat. pro-, Gk. -n-po, Skr. prd, Goth, fra- ; rhy-wyr ' very late ' : hwyr ' late ', cf. Gk. Trpd-icaKos ' very bad'; rhy-gyng, Ml. W. rygig ' ambling pace' < *(p)ro-fcengh- 101 iii (2). In Mn. W. it forms loose compounds with adjectives 65 iv (2), 220 viii (i).

(22) tra- [spirant] 'over, very, excessive' < *tar- < *t e ros-, 214 iii : Ir. tar-, Skr. tirds- ; trd-chwant ' lust ' ; trd-chas ' very hateful ' ; trd-serch ( great love, adoration ' ; trd-chul ' very lean ' ; tramor ' over- sea ' i.e. trammor for *tarmmor < *t e ros mart. ; trachwres B.T. 30 : gwres 92 iii. It forms loose compounds by being placed before any adj., 220 viii (i). The metathesis could have taken place when the accent was on the ult. ; cf. 2 1 4 iii.

traf-, as in traf-lyncu ' to gulp ' (: llyncu ' to swallow) < *tram- : Ir. trem-, tairm-, an m-formation from the same base : cf. Lat. tarmes, trames; see 220 ii (10). There seems to have been some confusion of the two prefixes : tramor above and tramwy ' to wander ' < -*moui- (: Lat. moveo) may have either. This would help to spread tra- for *tar-. trdnnoeth ' over night ' cannot be from *tram- which would become traf- before n; trenny8 ' over the day' i.e. ' next day but one ' is probably re-formed after trannoeth.

traws-, tros- 210 x (6) ; ML W. traws-cwy W.M. 83, 85, ' trans- action ' ; in Mn. W. leniting, traws-feddiant ' usurpation ', prob. owing to sc > sg etc. 111 vi (2), as in traws-gwy8 B.M. 60, 61.

(23) try- [soft] ' through, thoi-ough'; try-dwll 'perforated'; try- loyw ' pellucid ' ; try-fer ' javelin ' : ber ' spear '. It seems to imply Brit. *tri-, weak form of *trei > trwy 'through' 210 x (5).

ii. Some prefixes occur only in rare or isolated forms, and are not recognized as such in the historical periods. The following may be mentioned :

(1) a(n)- < *n- 'in'; dcJdes 99 vi (i), anmyneS 95 ii (3); dnglao ' funeral' < *n-qlad- (claddu ' to bury') */qolad- 101 ii (3).

ann- [soft] < *ando- < *n-do- : Lat. en-do-, in-du-, E. in-to ; dnnedd 63 ii; dnnerch ' greeting '< *nd(o)-erk-, Vereq- 'speak' 63 iii ; en-byd ' dangerous ' (eribyd! ' beware ! ' in Festiniog quarries) < *ndo-pit- : pyd ' danger ' < *qui-t-, Vqouei- ' be ware ' : Lat. caveo, Grk. *oo : W. rhy-bu8 ' warning ' < *j)ro-quei-d- ; dn-rheg ' gift ' : rheg ' gift ' < *prek-, dn-rhaith ' prize, booty ; *bride, dear one' < *ndo-prek-t-, Vpereq- 'acquire, buy' : Lith. perkti, 'I buy', Gk. TriTrpaorKeD (*-prq-sqo), extension of Vper- in Gk. TrepvTj/At, ; dn-fon < *ndo-mon- 100 iv ; anian ' nature' < *ndo-g e n- : Lat. in-genium.

dann- [soft] < *d(d)-ando- ; ddnfon : anfon above ; ddn-gos ' to show ' (S. W. ddn-gos ; in N. W. with late assim. of -g-, ddwnos) < *d(o)-ando-kons-, VJcens- : Lat. censeo, Skr. sysati l recites, praises, reports, shows '.

y-, e- [nasal] < * en- ' in ' ; emhennyB M.M. 23 (from R.B.) ' brain ', cf. M.A. ii 107, 337, emenny8 B.B.B. 54, S.G. 270 < *en-quennuo- : Bret, em-penn, Corn, empinion, ympynnyon ; -nth- persisted in Mn. W., see M.M. 140, o'mhoen (read o'm hun)/ymhennydd D.G. 501; the usual form ymennydd with abnormal loss of -h- before the accent may be due to early contamination with a form containing *eni- ; the form in Ir. is in-chinn < *eni-quenn-.

(2) he- < *sem- ; hebrwng 99 vi.

(3) ban- < *sani- : Ir. sain ' separate ', W. gwa-han-u, Lat. sine, E. sun-der, Skr. sanitur ' besides, without ' ; in hdn-fod ' being from, coming from, origin, essence '.

§ 157. i. No compound has more than two elements ; but any element may itself be a compound. Thus anhyfryd ' unpleasant ' is compounded not of an + /ty + bryd but of an + hyfryd, though hyfryd itself is a compound of hy + bryd ; similarly hardd-deg ymdrech I Tim. vi 12 is a loose compound, each of whose elements hardd-deg and ym-drech is itself a compound. All compounds must be so analysed by successive bisections.

Deuriiddloyw fis dewisaf,
Dyred a'r haul daradr haf. G.Gr., p 5 1/49.

'Most exquisite bright-cheeked month, bring the sun of summer ray.' DeuruSloyw fis is a loose compound ; its first element is a com- pound of deuru8 and gloyw, deuruS itself being compounded of dau ' two ' and gru8 ' cheek '.

ii. (1) In compounds of three syllables in which the first element is a compound, as pengrych-lon D.G. 74 'curly-headed [and] merry', a strong secondary accent on the first syllable often becomes a separate accent, and the syllable breaks loose, resulting in an illogical division ; thus hir fein-wijn D.G. 16, for hirfein-rvyn, a compound of hir-fain 1 long slender ' aiid gwyn ' white ' ; tew gded-allt do. 328 for tewgded-allt < tew-goed (do. 157) ' thick trees ' and (g)allt ' copse ' ; gdrw floeddiast do. 82 < gdrw-JloeB ' rough- voiced ' + gast 'bitch' 103 ii (i); inydr ddoeth-lef do. 293 < mydr-Soeth + lief ' of rhythmical voice ' ; wan serliw G. 129 < mdn-ser + lliw 'of the colour of small stars' ; pen sder-wawd do. 297 < pen-saer ' architect' + gwawd 'song' mean- ing ' of masterly song '.

Y wawr d!6s-ferch ry dlysfain

Wrm ael a wisg aur a main. D.G, no.

' Dawn-bright maid, too beautifully slender, of the dark brow, that wearest gold and [precious] stones ' ; gwawr dlosferch < gwdwr-dlos ' dawn-beautiful ' + merch ' maid '; ry dlysfain is a loose compound ofrhy and tlys-fain, so that its accentuation is normal ; gibrm del is a loose bahuvrlhi (or possessive) compound ' possessing a dark brow '.

(2) The same accentuation occurs when a compound number is compounded with a noun, as ddu cdnn-oen G.G1. M 146/313 ' 200 lambs'; sdith ugein-waith L.G.C. 421 'seven score times'. The separated syllable has the un-mutated (un-combined) form of its diphthong dau, saith (not deu, seith) 45 ii (2).

iii. Strict compounds are inflected by inflecting the second element, as gwindy pi. gwindei 117 iii, hwyl-brenni, canhwyll- brenni 122 ii (2), claer-wpnnyon etc. 145 ii (4), an-wariaid etc. 145 vi, an-hawsaf 148 i (6), gloyw-buaf ehc. 150 ii.

But in loose a-n compounds the adj. is often made pi., as nefolyon icybodeu etc. 145 ii (3). Indeed these formations are so loose that the second element may be suspended, as in nefolion- cCr daearolion- a thanddaearolion- betliau ibid.

An eqtv. or cpv. adj. before a noun is not compounded with it, but the noun has always its rad. initial. A spv. adj. may or may not be compounded ; see Syntax.



158. The Welsh personal pronouns are either independent or dependent.

Of these main classes there are several sub-divisions, containing a form for each person sg. and pi., including two, m. and f. , for the 3rd sg.

The use of the 2nd pi. for the 2nd sg., so common in modern European languages, appears in W. in the I5th cent. There are numerous examples in T.A. (e.g. 38 vi), who mixes up sg. and pi. in addressing the same individual : Meined dy wasg mewn y tant,

Chwi a 'mdroech i'm dau rychwant. T.A. A 14866/105.

4 So slender is thy waist in the girdle, you would turn round in my two spans.'

159. The independent personal pronouns are the forms used when the pronoun is not immediately dependent on a noun, a verb or an inflected preposition. They occur (a) at the beginning of a sentence, see 162 vii (2); (b) after a conjunction or uninflected preposition, including^, megis ; (c] after ys ' it is ', mae (mat) ' that it is ', panyw id., pel ' if it were ', etc., and after the uninflected lieb y ' said ' (heb y mi 198 i). Independent personal pronouns are either simple, reduplicated or con- junctive ; thus :

i. Simple: sg. I. mi, 2,. ti, 3. m. ef } f. hi\ pi. i. ni, 2. chwi, 3. Ml. wy t wynt, Mn. hwy, kwynt (also occasionally in Late Ml. W.).

The h- of the Mn. 3rd pi. forms comes from the affixed forms ; thus gwelant wy=gwdant-h wy mutated to gwelann-h wy, see 106 iv; the -h was transferred to the pronoun, cf. 106 iii (2) ; and the inde- pendent forms borrowed the h- from the affixed.

ii. Reduplicated: (i) Ml. W., sg. i. mivi, myvi, myvy, 2. tidi t tydi, 3. [m. efo], f. hihi ; pi. i. nini, 2. cJiwickwi, chwchwi, 3. icyntwy, hwyntwy. -Mn. W. sg. i myfi, 2. tydi, 3. [m. efo,fo (]&ierfe, efe see below)], f. Tiyhi ; pi. i. nyni, 2. chwychwi (often pronounced but rarely written chwchwi), 3. hwynt-hwy.

mivi, tidi W.M. 4, myfi (see vyvi 160 iii (i)), chwichwi B.B.B. 67, chwchwi S.G. 164, hwyntwy B,M. 132, wyntwy s.o. 165.

(2) These pronouns are usually accented on the ultima: myfi, tydi, hwynt-hwy, etc. ; but they were formerly accented on the penult also, and this accentuation survives in certain phrases used in Powys. Examples of penultimate accentuation :

Du serchog ywth glog mewn glyn, A myfi. sy'n d' ymofyn. D.G. 521.

' Of a lovely black is thy coat in the glen, and it is I who call thee.' To the blackbird.'

Nid dldolc onid tydi ;

Nato Duw bod hebot ti. S.M., IL 133/261.

'There is none faultless but thee; God forbid [that we should] be without thee.' Thus accented they also appear as myfi(, ttfdtf, etc. :

Mawr oedd gennyd dy fryd fry,

Mwyfwy dy son na m^f^. G.Gr., D.G. 246.

' Greatly didst thou boast thy intention yonder ; more and more noisy [art thou] than I/

(3) The forms my ft, tydi sometimes lose their unaccented y after a, na or no, giving a m'ft, a th'di, etc. ; as megys y8 ymydawssam ath ti IL.A. 148 'as we forsook thee ', cf. 121, 1. 6.

Duw ath roes, y doeth ryswr ; A th'di a wnaeth Duw yn ivr. W.IL. 8. ' God gave thee, wise hero ; and thee did God make a man.'

(4) In the spoken language efo, hyhi became yfo, yhi; and the others followed, thus yfi, ythdi (in Gwynedd ychdi by dissim.) ym, ychi, ynhw(y). These may sometimes be seen written yfo etc. in the late period, e.g. c.c. 273, 340.

(5) Beside efo the reduced form/o appears in the i4th cent. The inconvenience of having different vowels in fo and ef was overcome in two ways : in N.W. fo replaced ef (except in a few stereotyped phrases, as ynte ? for onid Jtef? ' is it not so ? ', ai e ? ' is it so ? ') ; in S. W. e(f) remained, and fo was changed to fe. From the S.W. fe Wm.S. made his'new efe 2 Thess. ii 16, which, however, he uses very rarely. Dr. M. adopted this form, and used it throughout his Bible for the nom. case, independent and affixed a remarkable observance of a self-imposed rule ; that the rule was arbitrary is shown by the fact that efe is used where W. idiom expresses ' he ' by an oblique case, as am fod yn hojf ganddo efe y hi Gen. xxix 20, o Jierwydd ei farw efe 2 Sam. xiii 39. In Ml. W. the only form is efo, see iv (2), which is rare compared with the simple ef. The bards also use efo, accented efo and efo, see examples; but where it does not rhyme, late copyists often change it to efe; thus in A fo doeth efe a dau G. 144, the MS. actually used by the editor of G. has efo TB. 87. efe S.G. 53 is ef in the MS., p 11/356; and eue C.M. 87 is euo (i.e. evo) in the MS., E.B. 474. The form efo survives in dial, efo 'with' for efo a 216ii( 3 ).

Nid oes offrwm, trwm yw'r tro,

Oen Duw ufydd, ond eib. R.B., F. 7.

' There is no sacrifice sad is the case except Him, the obedient

Lamb of God.'

larll Penfro, efo rydd fdrch. L.G.C. 355. ' The Earl of Pembroke, he will give a horse.'

iii. Conjunctive: (i) Ml. W., sg. I. mynkeu, minfteu, minnen, 2. titkeUj.fy r&.ynteu, $.hitheu\ pi. I. nynheit, ninfieu, ninneu, 2. chwitheuy 3. wynteu. Mn. W. sg. I. minnau, 2. tithau, 3. m. yntau, f. hithau ; pi. i. ninnau, 2. cAwit/tau, 3. hwyntau t Jnvythau. (2) A pronoun of this series is always set against a noun or pronoun that goes before (or is implied) : Dioer, heb ef. . . . A unben, heb ynteu W.M. 2 ' By heaven, said he. ... Ah ! prince, said the other.' The series is in common use in Mn. W. ; sometimes the added mean- ing is so subtle as to be untranslatable : chwi a minnau ' you and I ', but as a rule minnau signi6es ' I too ', ' even I ', ' I for my part ', ' but I ', ' while I ', etc. The first term of the antithesis may be im- plied : Wei, dyma finnau 'n marw Ceiriog O.B. no 'Well, now even I am dying ' [not somebody else this time ; this is not said, but finnau implies it]. A conj. pron. often stands in apposition to a noun: Ynteu Pwyll VTM. n, cf. 12, 14 'he also, [namely] Pwyll' i. e. Pwyll also ; a gwyr Troea wynteu B.B.B. 20 ' and the men of Troy on their part '. The 3rd sg. ynteu answers naill in the expres- sion naill ai ... ai ynteu ' on the one hand either or on the

other hand '. From its unaccented use as ' on the other hand ' it became a conjunction ' then ' : Paham, ynteu IL. A. 1 3 ' why, then ] ' Pwy, ynteu do. 2 y ' who, then 1 ' Nyt oes un wreic, ynteu A.L. i 176 'there is no woman, then'. In Ml. W. pronouns of other persons are used instead of ynteu after ae, as kymer vedyS . . . ae titheu ymla8 C.M. 13 'receive baptism ... or else fight'; as the subject of an impv. cannot come before it, titheu here replaces ynteu in ae ynteu ymlaS ' or else fight ' under the influence of ymla8 ditheu 'fight then!'

iv. Origin of the independent pronouns : (i) mi, Ir. me < ace. *me : Skr. ma, Gk. /xe (the Ir. me seems to be *me lengthened, as original e > Kelt. 1) ; ti, Ir. tu < *tu : Lat. tu, Av. tu, Gk. TV-V-TJ, O.H.G. du; ti partly also from Ar. ace. *t(u)e; ef, O.W. em, Cora, ef, nom. -e, Ml. Bret, eff, Ir. e, he ; f. hi, Corn, hy, Bret, hi, Ir. si. The 3rd sg. pron. in Kelt, as in Germ, seems to have been *es or *is, f. *sl ; thus O.H.G. er < *es : Ir. e or he < *es (: Umbr. es-to- ' iste ') ; the Corn, nom. postfixed -e may represent this ; but in "W". it has been replaced by ef; W. ef < *emen < *em-em = O.Lat. em-em, redupl. ace. of *es, cf. Skr. im-dm < *im-em. As hi kept its h-, it is unlikely that ef is for *hef, since the parallel could hardly fail to have been preserved ; but in phrases where ef means ' so ' there are traces of h-, as in N.W. ynte, S.W. ontef e ' is it not so 1 ' for onid hef (ef) ; here ef may be from *semo-s ' same ' = Skr. samdh ' like, same '. W. hi < Ar. *sl : Goth. si, O.H.G. si, si, Gk. f (Sophocles) ; *sl is an ablaut variant of *s(i)ia 122 iv (i), f. of the pron. *s(i)ios, *s(i)id, *t(i)iod (Skr. sydh, sya, tydd) a derivative of *so, *sa, *tod (Skr. sd, sa, tdt, Gk. 6, 17, TO). PI. rii, chwi, Ir. ml, si < *s-nes, *s-ues : Lat. nos, vos, Skr. nah, vah (or, as the e-grade is not certain elsewhere, < *snl, *sul with nom. pi. -? after o-stems) ; wy, Ir. e < *ei nom. pi. of *es ; wynt with -nt from the 3rd pi. of verbs (so Ml. Ir. iat).

(2) The redupl. forms are the simple forms repeated, originally as separate words : mi-vi < Brit. *nu rm, etc. As ef seems itself to be a redupl. form it is natural that it is not found reduplicated (efe being a figment ii (5)) ; the emphatic form is efo. In Ml. AV. this is chiefly an affixed accusative ,160 iii (i) : llyma efo W.M. 160 'see him here ' ; mostly following other pronouns : gwassanaetha di evo K.M. 185 'serve thou him', cf. 164, 168, 170, 198, 280; the transition to the indep. use is seen in a thra guSyych ti evo, evo a'th gu8 ditfteu E.M. 173 ' and while thou hidest it, it will hide thee '. The form efo is prob. for *efi)e8 78 i (i); this implies *emiio-, and may be ace.

  • em-eiom : cf. Lat. gloss im-eum " TOV avrov " < *im-eiom.

(3) The conj. pronouns are re-formations based upon yntau which is for *hynn-teu (loss of h- on the anal, of ef) < Brit. *aendo8 touos 'this other, the other'; * touos < *tuuos : Skr. tvah, tuah 'other', mostly repeated tvah . . . tvah ' the one . . . the other ' ; the word is always unaccented in Skr. ; this is also the condition to give -eu in W. 76 iii (2). The origin is seen clearly in naill . . , yntau from

  • sendod dlliod . . . sendod touod ; cf. Skr. tvad . . . tvad ' at one time

... at another ' or with tvad after the second member only. When

  • hynn teu came to mean ' he too ' a fern. *hih teu was formed giving

hitheu ; then followed *mim teu > mynheu, minneu ; *tit teu > titheu ; and on these are modelled the pi. forms.

160. Dependent personal pronouns are either prefixed, infixed or affixed.

i. Prefixed pronouns, (i) The following stand in the genitive case immediately before a noun or verbal noun ; the mutation following each is given after it in square brackets. For the aspiration of initial vowels see ii (5).

Sg- I- fy, /', >, ', [nasal], 2. dy\ cT [soft], 3. Ml. y, Mn. i, late misspellings [m. soft, f. spirant] ; pi. i. Ml. an, yn, Mn. yn, late misspelling /# [rad.], 2. Ml. awch, $rch, late misspelling eich [rad.], 3. eu (sometimes Ml. y, Mn. i) [rad.].

These pronouns are always proclitics, and are never accented ; when emphasis is required an affixed auxiliary pronoun is added to receive it ; thus dy len di ' t h y head '.

Before a vowel fy ' my ', dy ' thy ' tend to lose their y, and f\ d' occur frequently in poetry : f'annwyl 38 vi, f'erchwyn 38 ix, f'annerch 136 ii, f'wyneb 38 iv; deos 110 iii (2), d'adwyth D.G. 35, d'adnabod do. 147.

fy often becomes 'y, see 110 iii (2). This occurs only when the initial of the noun is nasalized, i. e. when its radical is an explosive (or m- in f. nouns : 'y mam 110 iii (2), 'y modryb 13 ' my aunt '), for otherwise 'y could not be distinguished from the article y ; as it is, it cannot be distinguished from unaccented yn 'in' ('y mhenn 'my head', ymhenn 'at the end [of]'), except by the context. When the/- vanishes as above, the y is liable to be lost after a vowel, leaving only the following nasal initial to represent the pronoun : Darfu, 'r ieuenctid dirfawr ;

dewrfu 'nydd darfu 'n awr. D.G. 529.

' Mighty youth is spent ; if brave was my day, it is spent now.'

Llongwr wyfi yn ddioed ;

Ar ben yr hwylbren mae 'nhroed. H.D., P 101/259.

' At once I am a sailor ; my foot is on the top of the mast.' See also yw 'myd 38 vi, yw 'mron 146 ii (i).

Ml. y 'his, her' > Mn. i 16 ii (3). Occasionally t is already found in Ml. W., as o achaws i drigiant efw.u. 12 'on account of his residing '. The spelling ei is due to Wm.S., (4), who also changed yn B.B. 1 08, ych do. 79 to ein, eich ; there is no evidence of the earlier use of these forms ; and in the spoken language the words are i, yn, ych, as in Early Mn. W. It is doubtful whether the correct spelling can now be restored, as the misspelling is distinctive, enabling ei ' his ' to be distinguished from i ' to ', and i ' I ', as in gwelais i dy ; and ein 'our* from yn 'in'; but the written ei, ein, eich should be read i, yn, ych.

eu ' their ' is a Ml. form preserved artificially in lit. W. Already in the i4th cent, y appears for it as ytat IL.A. 117, 1. 13 'their father', ypenneu, ytavodeu do. 152 'their heads, their tongues'. In Early Mn. MSS. it is generally i } distinguished from the sg. only by the rad. initial which follows it.

(2) Before hun, hunan ' self ', 167 i (3), the following forms occur in Ml. W. : sg. i. vy, vu, my, mu, 2. dy, du, 3. e ; pi. T. ny,

2. ?, 3. e.

a minneu vy hun W.M. 88 ' and I myself' ; am Ia8 o honafvu hun vy mob do. 35 'because I myself slew my son'; namyn my hun do. 88 'except myself; buw mu hunan B.P. 1045 'I myself [am] alive ' ; dy anwybot dy hun W.M. 2 ' thine own ignorance ' ; du hun do. 29 'thyself; ae 8wylaw ehun IL.A. 10 'with His own hands'; ehun IL.A. 77 'herself; arnam ny hunein W.M. 29 'on ourselves'; ar yn llun ny hun K.P. 1368 ' on Our own image ' ; a gewssynt e hun W.M. 59 ' what they had had themselves ' ; yrygthunt e hun W.M. 421, y ryngtunt ehunein B.M. 272 'between themselves'.

In Mn. W. the forms do not differ from those of the gen. given in (i) ; but ny persisted in the sixteenth cent. ; Vn pec/tod ny/iun A.G. 17 ' to our own sin ' ; * ni nyhun do. 35 ' for ourselves '.

Before numerals the forms are Ml.W. pl.i. an,yn, 2. (awch,ych),

3. yll, ell, Mn. W. i. yn (misspelt ein}, 'n, 2. ych (misspelt eick), 'ch t 3. ill.

ni an chwech W.M. 29 ' us six ', yn dwy IL.A. 109 'we two ' f., yll pedwar W.M. 65 'they four'; arnaSunt wy yll seith s.G. 33 'oil the seven of them ' ; ae owylaw yll dwyoeS do. 39 ' with both his hands ' ; uSunt ell deu W.M. 182 'to them both '. In Mn. W. ni 'n dau 'we two ', chwi 'ch tri ' you three ', hwy ill tri ' they three ', etc.

ii. Infixed pronouns, (i) The following stand in the genitive case before a noun or verbal noun ; mutation is noted as before:

Sg. i. -m, now written 'm [rad.] ; 2. -tk y 'th [soft] ; 3. Ml. W. -e, -y, Mn. W. -i, now written 'i [m. soft ; f. spir.] j pi. i. -n, 'n [rad.] ; 2. -ch, 'ch [rad.] ; 3. Ml. -e> -y, Mn. -i, 'i, late misspelling 'u [rad.]. Also 3rd sg. and pi. -?, 'w after Ml. y, Mn. i ' to ' ; see below.

The Ml. 3rd sg. and pi. -e or -y represents the second element of a diphthong; thus oe or oy 'from his ' is simply o y contracted. The Mn. sound is 6i (unacc. oi), and the late spelling oi rests on the false assumption that the full form of the pronoun is ei. This contraction may take place after any word ending in a vowel, see 33 v, and often occurs after final -ai and even -cm. Similarly 'n, 'ch may occur after any final vowel or diphthong, as Duw 'n Tad, Duw 'n Ceidwad D.G. 486 ' God our Father, God our Saviour ', since this is only the ordinary loss of unaccented y, see 44 vii.

But 'm, 'th stand on a totally different basis ; these are not for *ym,

  • yth, which do not exist in the genitive.* But am, a'th are properly

a m', a th' for *a my, *a thy with the old spirant mutation after a as in a mam, a thad ; hence we find that in Ml. W. they occur only after a ' and ', a ' with ' (including gyt a, tu a, etc), na ' nor ', no ' than ', all of which cause the spirant mutation, and after y 'to', o 'from', which caused gemination of the initial of a following unacc. word in Kelt., thus W. i'm, ym 'to my' = Ir. domm 'to my'; see iv (2). In biblical Welsh this tradition is strictly followed. But in D.G. we already find yw ' is ' added to the above monosyllables (if the readings are to be trusted), as ywm serch 498, yw'm Selyf 522, yw'th gdn 137, yw'th wen 497. After other words 'm and 'th are rare in D.G., and are possibly misreadings, as iddi'm traserch 498, yno'th ddwyn 478. After neu 'or' and trwy 'through', fy aud dy are always used : neu dy ladd 264, trwy dy hoywliw 180, Dyro dy ben drwy dy bats 107. So after all ordinary words ending in vowels ; the only non-syllabic forms of the pronouns being /', d' or the nasal mutation, see i (i) above ; as hu'de f'anfodd 114 (not hwde'm anfodd), mae d' eisiau i g (not mae'th eisiau), mae d' wyneb 107 (not maeth wyneb),colH 'na 303 (not colli 'm da), gwanu 'mron 502 (not gwanu 'm bron). The insertion of 'm, 'th after all vocalic endings is a late misuse of these forms. The converse practice of using fy and dy after a, o, i, na (as o fy for o'm, i dy for i'th etc.) appears first in hymns to fill up the line, and is usual in the dialects; but it is a violation of the literary tradition.

  • One or two apparent examples (as ytA effeiryat C.M. 57) seem to be scribal

errors. After the prep, i ' to, for ' the form w is used for the 3rd sg. and pi. with the mutations proper to the usual forms, as i'w dy ' to his house ', i'w thy ' to her house ', i'w ty ' to their house '. The combination appears in B.CH. as yu, as pan el e breni/n yu estavell A.L. i 48 ' when the king goes to his chamber ' ; later yw voli C.M. 49 lit. ' for his praising', yw swper do. 43 'for their supper ' ; it is prob. a metathesis of *wy[W 2] 78 iv (i) from *{d)oi } an early contraction of *do I 'to his', *do being the orig. form of the prep. 65 iv (2). A later but still old contraction gives oe, as A 8oei hi y gyt ac ef oe wlat 1 IL.A. 125 ' would she come with him to his country ? ' In the i6th cent, oi ' to his' was still used in Carnarvonshire, G.R. [129], But oe, Mn. o'i also means ' from his ' ; as this is an obvious meaning (o being 'from'), oe ' to his ' became obsolete. A third form of the combination is y, a contraction oi y y 'to his ' ; this is a re-formation, with the prep, taken from other connexions after it had become y', it is the usual form in Ml. MSS., as y brenhin a aeth y ystavell C.M. 43 ' the king went to his chamber ', Ynteu Pwyll ... a Soeth y gyvoeth ac y wlat W.M. 1 1 ' Pwyll too came to his dominions and to his country '. In B.B. we find y eu 66 1. 5 ' to their', a rare form. The form 1 ' to his, to her, to their ' survives in Gwyn. dial. ; but the usual Mn. form is i'w, which is the least ambiguous, and represents the oldest contraction.

'u is quite a late spelling ; it is sounded i in natural speech, and thus has the same form as the 3rd sg., but takes the same mutation as eu. In Ml. W. there is no trace of *au, *ou ; rarely we have o eu as in P 6/ii ., and often ac eu, oc eu, e.g. W.M. 89 ; where these are not employed, the forms met with are ae, oe or ay, oy like the sg. ; in Early Mn. W. ai, oi. "Pro 'u pi. post istas particulas [a, na, o], & scribitur & pronunciatur 'i, vt, a'i carodd, pro a'u carodd, &c." D. 177. The 1620 Bible always has 'i both gen. and ace. : iachdodd hwynt, ac a'i gwaredodd o'i dinistr Ps. cvii 20.

The forms m and i occur after er in Ml. W. eirmoet ' during my time', eiryoet 'in his time', Mn. W. er-m-oed, er-i-oed', the latter became the stereotyped form for all persons, and is the usual expression for 'ever'. But ermoed survived in Early Mn. W., see L.G.C. 194.

(2) The following stand in the accusative case before verbs ; all take the radical initial of the verb except y th, which takes the soft.

Sg. i. -m, now written 'm ; 2. -Ik, *tk ; 3. Ml. W. -e -y, -#, -w, Mn. W. -i, } i, -s ; pi. i. -n, 'n ; 2. -ck, 'ck ; 3. Ml. W. -e -y, -#, -w, Mn. W. -i, 'i (recent '), -*.

'm, 'th, 'n, 'ch are used after the relatives a and y, and where y is lost after a vowel, as lie for lie y ' where ', yno for yno y ' it is there that ', etc. ; after the affirmative particles neu, a, ef a, e,fo,fe; the negative particles ni, na; the conjunctions o 'if, oni 'unless', y 'that ', and^e 'if, Ml. pet, which is for pet y ' were it that ' ; and in Ml. W. the tense particle ry. Thus :

JVYth wyl drem i'th wdl dramawr ;

E'th. glyw mil, nyth y glaw mawr. D.G. 133.

' No eye sees thee in thy vast lair ; a thousand hear thee, [in] the nest of the great rain.' To the Wind.

a'th euro, di 7 ii ; llethfagwyd D.G. 323 'where thou wast reared ' ; am ssuinassei-e douit B.B. 24 ' the Lord created me ' ; e/a'm lias G.G1. 175 iv (6) 'I was killed' ; o'm lleddi D.G. 59 if thou killest me ' ; o'th gaf do. 524 'if I may have thee ' ; ora'th gaf do. 29 'if I have thee not' ; beiih leSit B.P. 1255 'if thou wert killed' ; rym ffelivir B.T. 36 'I am called ' ; see 171 iii (2).

The 3rd sg. and pi. -e or -y, Mn. -i, 'i ('u) is used after the relative a and the affirmative particles a, ef a, e, fo, fe ; as pawb ay dyly W.M. 8 ' everybody owes it'; e'i gwelir D.G. 524 'it will be seen'. It also follows the relative y, and is contracted with it to y (= y y ' that . . . it ') ; as llyma yr we8 y Tcejfy R.M. 2 ' this is the way that (= in which) thou shalt have it ' ; sefval y guma/WM. 3 ' this is how I will do it ' ; val y herchis C.M. 89 ' as he commanded them ' (val is followed by y ' that '). In Early Mn. W. this is written i, later ei or eu ; recently it has been written y'i and y'u in order to show the construction ; but there is no authority for this, and the traditional sound appears to be i (not yi).

The 3rd sg. and pi. - is used after ni, na, oni ' unless ' and o ' if ' ; as Ae eiSaw nys arvollassant IL.A. 161 ' and his own received him not'; onis cwplaa oe weithretoe8 C.M. 15 'unless he fulfils it in his works'; os myn L.G.C. 187 'if he desires it'. It often serves to save the repetition of the object in the second of two negative sentences : ny mynneis iriheu un gwr . . . ac nys mynnaf R.M. 1 1 ' I did not want a husband, and do not want one ' ; nyd enwaf neb ac nys gwradwyddaf J.D.R. [xvii] ' I name no one, and disgrace him not ' ; and often refers to a noun or pronoun placed absolutely at the head of a sentence, as ond ef nis ywelsant Luc xxiv 24 'but [as for] him, they saw him not ' ; Safnau'r mdr nis ofnir mwy D."W. 271 ' the mouths of the sea one no longer fears them '. The form -s is also used after pe, thus Mn. W. pes forpei y-s ' were it that . . . it ', aspei ys gwypvm W.M. 42 ; in Ml. W. generally written pei as, as pei as mynhut W.M. 142 'if thou wishedst it'. Similarly gwedy as gwelych C.M. 83 ' after thou hast seen it '. After affirmative neu, as neus ro&es W.M. 20 ' he has given it ' ; rarely after affirmative a, as -4s attebwys dofyS B.T. 24 'the Lord answered him '. In Late Mn. W. nis is sometimes treated as if the s meant nothing ; such a misuse is rare in Ml. W. and, where it occurs, is probably a scribal error, as Nys gwelas llygat eiroet y sawl Synyon IL.A. 117 with nys repeated from the previous line. On os for o 'if see 222 v(i).

In Early Ml. verse we sometimes find nuy (= nwy) in relative sentences corresponding to nis in direct statements (nwy from an old contraction of *no i, cf. *wy (i) above, *no being the orig. form of the neg. rel., see 162 vi (3)); as nis guibit ar nuy g(u)elho B.B. 7 'he will not know it who has not seen it'; cf. do. 8 11. i, 13. Later by metathesis this appears as nyw, as nyt ker8awr nyw molwy B.P. 1400 ' there is no minstrel who does not praise him ' ; nyw deiryt do. 1273 ' which do not belong to him '. Later nyw is used in direct state- ments, as ac nyw kelaf B.P. 1 244 ' and I will not conceal it '. In B.CH. occurs enyu ( = yn^w] teno tranoeth 14 (misprinted eny in A.L. 132) ' until he removes it the following day ', formed analogically. We also find rwy rel., as rwy digonsei B.T. 24 ' who had made him '.

(3) After pan ' when ' and Ml. kyt ' since ' syllabic aecus. forms are used : ym, yth,y, yn, ych, y. In Late Mn. W. these are written y'm, y'th, ei, y'n, y*ch, eu ; the apostrophe is incorrect, see iv (a). But even in Ml. W. after pan and other conjunctions ending in consonants, an affixed ace. pron. after the verb is preferred to the infixed; see iii (i).

yr pan yth weleis gyntafw.M. 1567 ' since I saw thee first' ; pan i'm clywai dust Job xxix n; kid im guneit B.B. 23 (= cyd ym gwneifS) ' since thou makest me '. In the early period also after nid ' there . . . not ', as nid ann-t?//8 B.B. 90 ' there will not be to us ' (ann dat. see below).

(4) In Ml. and Early Mn. verse the forms in (2) and (3) are also used in the dative.

Dolur gormo8 am do8yw E.G. 1127 'too much grief has come to me ' ; car a'm oedd, ny'ia. oes G. M.A. i 201 ' a friend there was to me, there is not to me ' (i.e. I had but have not); Am bo forth B.B. 34 ' may there be a way for me ' ; pan im roted par do. 23 (t = 8) 'when existence was given to me'; E'TO. rhoddes liw tea Iw teg D.G. 136 ' [she of] the hue of summer gave me a fair pledge' ; Cerdd eos a'm dangosai 'Y mun bert do. 499 ' the nightingale's song would show me my comely maid '.

(5) Initial vowels are aspirated after the following prefixed and infixed pronouns : all the forms of the gen. 3rd sg. fern., and gen. 3rd pi. ; all the infixed forms of the ace. 3rd sg. m. and f. and 3rd pi., except -*.

oe8 liw y hwynneb IL.A. 81 'was the colour of her face'; oc eu hamsser do. 119 'of their time' ; mi a'i "hadwaen e/Gen. xviii 19.

After 'w, ' and yn gen. and ace. both aspirated and unaspirated initials are found.

om Ta.anvo8 K.M. n, W.M. 18, om a,nvo8 B.M. 30, W.M. 43 'against my will ' ; ynharglwy8 ni IL.A. 165, yn B,r8erchogrwy8 ni do. 168 ' our majesty'. So in Early Mn. W. : A'm wnnwyl D.G. 219, a'm edwyn ibid, 'knows me', o'm hanfcdd D.E. G. 113, i'm oes S.T. r. 29, i'm Taoed D.G. 498. In Late Mn. W. the h- is always used, and often written superfluously after etch, 'ch.

iii. Affixed pronouns are substantive and auxiliary.

(1) Substantive affixed pronouns are used in the accusative after verbs as sole objects ; they are identical with the indepen- dent pronouns simple, reduplicated and conjunctive, with the initials of the ist and 2nd sg. softened.

They occur where there is no preverb to support an infixed pronoun, as when the vb. is impv. ; where the preverb ends in a consonant, as pan, etc. ; and in some other cases where there is no infixed pro- noun ; for the details see Syntax.

dygwchvi o&yma W.M. 8 'bear me hence'; hualwyd fl D.G. 47 ' I have been shackled ' ; clyw fyfy do. 100 ' hear me ' ; jyann welsant ef IL.A. 114 ' when they saw him '; ny roSassit hi do. 122 'she had not been given '. They often follow auxiliary affixed pronouns, as Pan geissych di vyvi K.M. 224 ' when thou seekest me '.

They are also used in the dative after interjections, as gwae fl ! ' vae mihi ! '

(2) Auxiliary affixed pronouns serve as extensions of other pronominal elements ; they are appended to words which already have either personal endings, or prefixed or infixed pronouns. The form of the ist sg. is i, in Early Ml. W. -e ( = y) ; in Late Mn. W. it is written ji after -f, but this is an error, though sometimes found in Ml. W. ; the 2nd sg. is di, after -t li, Early Ml. -de ; 3rd sg. m. ef, efo, f. hi ; pi. i. ni, Early Ml. -ne, 2. chwi, 3. wy, wynt, later hwy, hu-ynt. There are also conjunctive forms, innati, dittiau, etc.

Supplementing (a) the personal form of a verb : gtieleis-e B.B. 7 1 ' I saw ', arSuireav-e do. 36 ' I extol ' ; pan roddais i serch D.G. 134 ' when I set [my] affection', andau-de B.B. 61 'listen thou', Beth a glywaist ti 1 D.G. 335 ' what didst thou hear 1 ' y del hi 136 iii, etc.

(b) the personal ending of a preposition : irof-e B.B. 23 'for me ', arnat ti D.G. 136 'on thee ', iSaw ef W.M. 5 'to him', etc.

(c) a prefixed or infixed pronoun, gen., ace. or dat. : vri-llav-e B.B. 50 ( = vy-Uaw-if) 'my hand', f'enaid i D.G. 148 'my soul'; am creuys-e B.B. 82 'who created me'; wyra. daw-e do. 62 'there comes not to me ' ; dyn ni 'm cred i D.G. 1 73 ' a woman who does not believe me'.

Ni cheisiwn nefna'i threvi

Be gwypwn was kai humn hi. H.S., P 54/1/257 B.

' I would not seek heaven and its abodes if I knew that he would not attain it.' iv. Origin of dependent pronouns : (i) Prefixed. fy < Ar. *mene 113 ii ; dy ' thy ' < Brit. *to(u) proclitic form of *toue < Ar. *teue ; y ' his ' < Ar. *esip : Skr. asyd; y ' her ' < Ar. *esias : Skr. asyah, 75 vii (2) ; an ' our ', Bret, hon, hor, all for *anr, which (like Ir. ar n- for *anr n-] represents regularly ( 95 ii (3)) Kelt. *nsron < *ns-rom : Goth, unsara, with suff. -(e)ro- : cf. Lat. nostrum with suflT. -t(e)ro-; ny before hun < *nes or *nos : Skr. nah ace., gen., dat. ; awch ' your ', formed from chwi on the analogy of an : ni ; eu ' their ', O.W. ou, Bret, ho, is probably for *wy unaccented, and so from *eison < Ar. *eisom : Skr. esam ' their ' < *eisom, Osc. eisun-k ; for the weakening of unaccented wy to eu see 78 iii ; yn, ych before numerals < *emes, *esues : Goth, izwis ' you ' ace. < *esues ; yll is a form of an Z-demonstrative 165 vi, perhaps < ace. pi. *ollos < *6lio- or *olno- : Lat. ollus.

(2) Infixed. Gen. m, -th see ii (i); Brit. *men caused the rad. of tenues, the nas. of mediae 107 iv, and as the latter was generalized for fy, the former was for 'm; e or -y is merely the prefixed y contracted with the preceding vowel ; n, -ch are the prefixed forms with the vowel elided ; e or -y ' their ', originally only after o 'from' and *do ' to ' ; thus oe or oy ' from their ' < o *wy contracted ; similarly the rarer oe ' to their ' ; ay ' and their, with their' is formed on the analogy of oy, instead of the orig. ac eu which also survived, as oc eu ' from their ' was formed on the analogy of the latter, instead of orig. oy (o l from ' had no -c) ; i'w ' to his ', etc., Ml. W. yw met. for *wy < *do ? 'to his' contracted after *esio ' his ' had become *?, but early enough for *oi to become *wy, see ii (i); the metathesis is actually attested in nuy ( = nwy) > nyw, see below.

Ace. (dat.). m, -th < *mm-, *tt- from ace. *me, *te, dat. *moi, *toi, originally used after the neg. ny, the tense part, ry, etc., which caused gemination of the initial ; in Ir. also the forms after rii, ro, no, do, etc., are -mm-, -t- ( = tt) ; see 217 iv (i); after the rel. a which causes lenition, -m, -th must be analogical ; the rad. initial after -m is due to the analogy of -m gen. ; n (Ir. -nn-) < *nes, see (i); -ch by analogy; the syllabic forms prob. developed thus:

  • pann m cl- > *pann m cl- > pan ym clywai; so n > n > yn; yth,

ych by anal.; cf. heb yr 198 iii; on the whole this is more pro- bable than that y- represents the vocalic ending of pann lost else- where, which is the explanation of the corresponding Ir. forms generally assumed (Thurneysen Gr. 246, Pedersen Gr. ii 145); in any case the y- is not the rel. y, which is not used after pan 222 xi (2), so that the form pan ym is misleading and wrong; e, -y, in ae, ay ' who . . . him ', for ai *l contracted ; syllabic y < *? ; *i <

  • en < *em ' him ' ; the nasal ending caused the rad. of tenues, which

was generalized ; - from the fern. ace. *sHm ' her ', *a* ' them ', with the initial doubled as in *mm~, *tt-, so that it gives -s (not

  • A-); in Ir. -- is f. sg. only; in Corn, it is f. sg. and pi.; in "W.

extended to the m. because the m. *l was lost after ni ; thus *ni caf ef became nis caf ef on the anal, of nis caf hi ; so ae ' who . . . her' instead of as on the anal, of ae ' who . . . him '; rel. nyw < nny ( = nwy) < *no 2> see ii (2).

(3) Affixed. The substantive forms are the same as the inde- pendent forms. Auxiliary : i, B.B. -e ( = Y) < *r'j < *ego : Lat. ego, Gk. eyw, etc. ; originally used as subject after a verb, it came to sup- plement a ist sg. pron. in other cases; di, B.B. -de < *tu ; ni, B.B. -ne < *nes or *nos (which may have become nom. like nos in Lat.).

^[ For pronouns suffixed to prepositions see 208-212.


161. i. A possessive adjective was placed after its noun, which was usually preceded by the article, as y ty tau D.G. 1 8 ' thy house ', sometimes by a pref. or inf. pron., as y'th wyndvt teu R.P. 1202 'to thy paradise'; rarely it was added to an indefinite noun, as

Ac i wneuthur mesurau

benillion mwynion man. D.G. 289.

' And to make measures out of sweet verses of mine.'

The above adnominal use is common as a poetical construction ; in prose it survived only in one or two phrases like y rel ei&aw IL.A. 20 " suos ". Ordinarily the possessive adjective stands as the complement of the verbs ' to be ', 'to become ', etc., as malpei teu vei R.M. 127 'as if it were thine'; or is used substantially preceded by the article, as arnaf i ac ar y meu s.o. 268 ' on me and on mine*.

ii. (i) The foims of the possessive adjectives in use in Ml. W. are the following- :

Sg. i. meu PL i. einym

2. teu 2. einwch

3. m. eibaw, f. eibi 3. eibunt

In Mn. W. the first three forms became mau, tau, euldo, by the regular change of final syllables; and new forms of the ist and 2nd persons arose ; see iii.

See Ml.W. einym R.M. 132, eiSunt do. 26, ei&i w.M. 476 ; einwch etc. see below. The form ei^yaw IL.A. 129 shows i after ei 35 ii ; but the present N.W. sound is euddo with no trace of -i- before -o, and the intrusion is only sporadic in Ml. W.

(2) The above forms are sometimes extended by the addition of auxiliary affixed pronouns ; thus men i or meu inneu, teu di or leu ditheu, eibaw ef or eibaw efo, etc. In Mn. W. the ist sg. takes the form maufi ov mau finnan.

Pa 8arpar yw yr einwch chwi P E.M. 292 'what preparation is yours ? ' By ryw neges yw yr eiSaw ef? W.M. 40 'what business is his 1 ' yr meu i s.o. 34 ' to mine ', y teu di W.M. 84 ' thine', y meu inneu S.G. 251 ; A'r cwyn tau di . . .yw'r cwyn mau flnnau I.Gr. 392 ' and thy plaint is my plaint ' ; the /- is attested by the cynghanedd in I.G. 318 q.v.

iii. In the I5th century new forms of the ist and 2nd sg. and pi. sprang- up. Sion Cent has A'i natur . . . y*y eiddom yn soddi c 7/86 ' and its [the earth's] nature is ours to sink us '. T.A. has eiddoch A3i 102/121. We also find eiddod:

Gwyr gldn a gai air o glod;
Gorau oedd y gair eiddod. G.I.IL.F., c 7/no.

' Fine men got a word of praise ; the best was the word [spoken] of thee.'

H.R. uses the curious 2nd sg. einwyd D. 185. G.R. (1567) gives einofor eiddof, eiddot,einom p. [123] ; einom in A.G. 52. J.D.R. gives eiddof, eiddol, eiddom, eiddoch 69. These are the forms used in Late W., though mau and fan persisted in poetry.

Wm.S. used mau and tau in his N.T., which were mostly changed into eiddof and eiddot by the translators of the Bible, see e. g. loan xvii 6, 9, 10.

The forms of the 3rd sg. and pi. remain unchanged, except that eiddunt is misspelt eiddynt in Late W.

iv. (1) It is generally assumed that meu is a new formation after teu, and that the latter comes from the Ar. gen. *teue : Skr. tdva. But Ir. mui shows that the formation is not very new; it goes back at least to Pr. Kelt. The Ir. mui occurs as a gloss, but *tui is not found, and neither form occurs in construction. It is probable therefore that the predicative and substantival constructions so common in W. are secondary; for if original they might be expected to survive in Ir. on account of their convenience. Hence we may conclude that meu and teu were originally postfixes, a construction which disappeared in Ir. and only survived in poetry in W. They may therefore be derived directly from the Ar. enclitic genitives *moi, *toi : Gk. fj.01, rot (o-oi), Skr. me, te (e < *ai < *oi), Lat. mi (< *moi), see 75 viii (2).

(2) The Ar. 3rd sg. corresponding to *moi, *toi was *soi : Gk. ol, Av. he, Se; this gives W. *(h)eu. Beside y meu and y teu, there must have been yr *7ieu, which gives rheueS ' property, wealth ' (reue8 M.A. i 2440); and yr *(K)eu 'his property' became 'the property ' whence *(h)eu ' property '. "When *(h)eu became obsolete as an enclitic it was replaced in the sense of ' property ' by meu, which gives meue8 'property' (meuet M.A. i 3616). It was followed by i ' to ' and a pronoun : Ae meu y minneu dy verch di weithon 1 Meu fteb ynteu K.M. 142, lit. ' is thy daughter property to me now ? Property [i. e. Yes] said the other ' ; vy merch inneu a geffy yn veu itt do. 125 ' and my daughter thou shalt have as property to thee ', i.e. for thine own ; yn veu iSaw e hun do. 207 ' as property for him- self. In its orig. form the last expression would be *eu i8aw; of this eiSaw is an obvious contraction ; similarly eioi for *eu i&i ; eiSunt for *eu iSunt. On the analogy of eiBaw ef (for *eu i8aw ef) arose meu i, teu di. In eiSaw efihe ef is of course the ordinary affixed pron. supplementing the personal ending of iSaw, see 160 iii (2) (6).

(3) The use of yn *eu for the later yn veu is attested in the O. W. nou glossing genitives in M.C. ; as nouirfionou gl. rosarum = (y}n *eu yr ffioneu ' as the property of the roses ', i.e. that of the roses (n- representing yn before a vowel is common, e.g. ny L.L. 120 'in its' 107 ii). It is found before the ist pi. pron. : nouni gl. nostrum = (y)n *eu (y)nny; later *eu ynny became einym on the analogy of the pre- positional form of eiSaw, and of gennym ' (belonging) to us ' (mae gennym ' we possess ') ; einwch was evidently formed from einym on the analogy of gennwch.

The processes which produced these forms have repeated them- selves at later periods: ei8o 'his' (like the old *eu 'his') became a noun meaning 'property'; it began to be used with a dependent genitive in the i4th century: a vu eiSaw dy vam di S.G. 270 'was thy mother's property'; eiSaw nep IL.A. 35; eiddo'r Arglwydd i Cor. x 26 ; thus O. W. n-on-ir-fionou would now be yn eiddo'r ff'ion. From eiddo were formed the new ist and 2nd sg. and pi. forms eiddof (ft), eiddot (ti), eiddom (ni), eiddoch (chwf), carrying further the analogy of eiddo (ef). Lastly, there is a recent tendency, instead of yn eiddo (ef), to say yn eiddo iddo (ef), which exactly reproduces yn *eu i8aw (ef), which is the origin Of yn eiSo (ef).


§ 162. i. The forms of the relative pronoun are nom. ace. a [soft] ; adverbial cases, before vowels Ml. yd, yS, Mn. yr, before consonants Ml. yd [soft], Ml. and Mn. y [rad.] ; in the genitive and in cases governed by prepositions both a and yb (yr), y are used.

Nom. : gyrru yr erchwys a la&yssei y carw eymdeith W.M. 2 ' to send the pack that had killed the stag away' ; Gwyn ei fyd y dyn a wnelo hyn Es. Ivi 2 ' Blessed is the man that doeth this'. Ace. : o ymgael a'r gwr a Sywedy di W.M. 4 'to find the man whom thou mentionest ' ; Ai'dyma'r ympryd a ddewisais ? Es. Iviii 5 ' Is this the fast that I have chosen 1 ?' Adv. : or lie y& oe8 W.M. 39 'from the place where he was ' ; e korneb euo e brenhyn A.L. i 76 ' the horn from which the king drinks'. Nom. and adv.:

Afa mawl &fo melys

O'r tud yr wyffr tad Rys. G.S. P 55/31.

' I will go with praise that is sweet from the land where I am to Father Rhys.'

The gen. rel. is supplemented by a prefixed personal pronoun to point out the case : Mab ... a Sylivas ISas y leith B.B. 87 ' the Son whose death Judas plotted'; 01 ... a Bucpwyd mochy dat W.M. 469 ' Ol, whose father's pigs were stolen ' ; brawt y'r gwr y buost neithwyr yn y lys do. 130 ' brother of the man in whose court thou wast last night'; y neb y maddeuwyd ei drosedd Ps. xxxii i 'he whose trans- gression is forgiven '. Similarly a preposition takes a personal ending to show the gender and number of the relative : y'r neb a welei newyn a sychet arnaw HJ.A. 126 lit. 'to the one whom he saw hunger and thirst on him'; nyt amgen no'r prenn y dibynnawS yr arglwyS arnnaw do. 61 'no other than the tree on which the Lord was crucified '. Dat. y followed by i with suff. : y rhai y rhoddwyd iddynt Matt, xix n 'they to whom it is given' ; also without the prep. :

leuan deg a'i onwayw dur

Y perthyn campau Arthur. G.G1., P 83/58.

' Fair leuan with, his spear of ash and steel to whom belong the qualities of Arthur.' Rhywia dyn y rhoed enaid T.A. A 14967/29 ' the most generous man to whom a soul was [ever] given '.

The form ae in E betev ae gulich y glav B.B. 63 ' The graves which the rain wets ' jnay be an echo of O.W. ai with the rad. after the ace., see vi (i).

By the elision of unaccented syllables a is often lost in Mn. W. verse, as Y ddraig cock ' ddyry cychwyn D.I.D. G. 177 '[it is] the red dragon that gives a leap '. Y gwr lien ' gdr holl Wynedd Gut.O. G. 204 ' the learned man whom all Gwynedd loves '. The soft initial remains to represent it. In Ml. W. it may be lost before initial a-. The frequent dropping of the rel. a is a characteristic of much of the slipshod writing of the present day.

ii. (i) The usual adverbial form before a vowel in Ml. W. is y ; but yr t though rare, appears in the I4th cent., as yno yr acleilawb Beuno eglwys IL.A. 133 ' [it was] there that Beuno built a church ' ; hyt y seneb yr oebityn y aros do. 114 ' as far as the synod where he was awaited'. In Mn. W.yr became the usual form, but ^8 remained as a poetical form, the bards using both indifferently according to the demands of the cynghanedd, as erw i gant yr d gwr :

ddwy i un ydd A anwr. I.D., TB. 150.

' [It is] from an acre to a hundred that a man goes, [and] a churl from two to one.'

(2) Between vowels ^8 or yr may become '8 or 'r, e.g. wedi *dd el L.G.C. 394 ' after [the time] when it goes ' ; but before a consonant it is always y ; unlike the article, it cannot appear as ’r after a vowel if a consonant follows. On the sound of the y in the word see 82 ii (i).

iii. In Early Ml. W. the adverbial rel. often appears as yd ( =yd, not ^8), later written yt ; this occurs not only before vowels but before consonants also, the latter usually undergoing the soft mutation.

Tec yd gan ir adaren B.B. 107 ' [it is] sweetly that the bird sings ' ; myn yd vo truin yd vit trev do. 83 ' [it is] there where a nose is that a sneeze will be'; yn Aber Cuawc yt ganant gogeu B.P. 1034 ' [it is] at Aber Cuawg that cuckoos sing '.

In the B.B. the soft occurs after yd twelve times ; the rad. occurs four times (id p- 41, 53, id k- 85, 95), and in each case may be due to provection. Before t-, d-, g-, ff-, s-, m- n-, only y [rad.] occurs ; before k-, gw- t b-, II-, both y [rad.] and yd [soft] appear ; before p-, r- only yd- before a vowel, y8, rarely yd.

iv. (i) The pres. iiid. of the verb ' to be ' has a relatival form sydd, sy, Ml. W. yssyb, yssy, in the B.B. often issi (i = y). The full form ysydd is also used in Mn. W., and is generally wrongly divided y sydd, because the accent is on the second syllable. The suffixed rel. is the subject of the verb, which always means ' who is ', ' who am ', etc.

Although originally 3rd sg., the rel. may have a noun or pron. of any number or person as antecedent ; thus Diau mat chwychwi sy boll Job xii 2 ' Doubtless it is you who are people'.

(2) In the verb pieu the interrogative element pi came to be used as a relative ; see 192 ii (2), (3).

(3) pan, originally interrogative, is mostly relative in Ml. and Mn. W. It is used for ' when ', chiefly where no antecedent is expressed; see 222 vi (i). In questions and answers it expresses ' whence ', as o py wlat . . . pan henwyt C.M. 33 ' from what country [is it] that (= whence) thou art sprung 1 ? ' Ae o bysgotta pan deny di do. 53 ' is it from fishing that thou comest ? ' In these cases y& may be used, and yr supplants pan in Mn. W. On pan in answers see 163 i (6). v. (i) The negative relative is nom. ace. ni, nid, Ml. W. ny, nyt ; this form is also used in the gen., in the loc. after lie, and in cases governed by prepositions ; but the adverbial form generally (e.g. after pryd, modd, fel, megis, pafiam, pa f odd, etc., and adverbs like braidd, odid, etc.) is na, nad, Ml. W. na, nal. In Late W. there is a tendency to use the a form everywhere.

Nom. : Nyt oes yndi neb ny7# adnapo R.M. 3 ' there is in it no one who will not know thee '. Gwyn ei fyd y gwr ni rodia Ps. i i. Ace. : yr liynn ny welsynt JL.A. 12 ' that which they had not seen ' ; cenedl nid adweini Es. Iv 5 ; also with a redundant -s : llyna beth ny-s gwrthodaf-i C.M. 42 'that is a thing which I will not refuse (it) '. Gen. : y drws ny tylywn ny y agori B.M. 4 1 ' the door which we ought not to open ', lit. ' whose its opening we ought not '. Loc. : lie ny wyper IL.A. 26 k [in] the place where it is not known '. After a prep. : ny ro8ei hi . . . iSaw B.M. 33 ' to whom she did not give '. Adv. : pryt na IL.A. 26, W.M. 183, R.M. 85, pryd na Jer. xxiii 7, D.G. 29, G. 297 ; mal na C.M. 20; braidd na D.Gr. 50.

(2) The perfective particle ry may introduce a reL clause ; see 219 v.

vi. (i) The relative pron. a probably comes from the Ar. relative

  • ios, *ia, *iod : Skr. yd-h, ya, ydd, Gk. 05, i;, o. It was a proclitic in

Brit., and pretonic *io might become *ia 65 vi (2); this was meta- thesized to at the oldest attested form, as in "h&i-oid B.S.CH. 2 ' which was ', ai torro hac ay dimanuo y bryeint hunn L.L. 121 ' who breaks and who dishonours this privilege ', hai bid CP. ' which will be ' ; and ai was reduced to a, a trace of ae occurring in Ml. W., see i. To explain the soft mutation after it we have to assume that in Kelt, the nom. sg. m. was *to like that of *so, *sa, *tod : Gk. 6, 17, TO (forms without -* are older, and *io might be a survival). The verb si/8, yssy8 represents regularly *estiio = *esti io ; it differs from yssit ' there is ', which sometimes precedes it, as yssit rin yssyS vwy B.T. 28 ' there is a secret which is greater', 189 iii (3). The ace. a (< *iom) prob. had a radical initial after it at first, cf. ae gulich i above, and a gulich . . . ' which . . . moistens ' four times in B.B. 46.

. (2) In Ar. adverbs were formed from pronominal and other stems by adding various suffixes, many of which began with a dental : thus, denoting place, *-dhi (Gk. iro-Oi ' where ? ' o-0i ' where '), *-dhe, *-dha (Skr. i-hd ' here ', Gk. i#a-yevr;s), *-ta (Gk. Kara, W. gan < *km-ta) ; whither, *-te (Gk. no-a-cl < -re, Goth, hvafi 'whither?'); whence,

  • -dhem (Gk. -6(v), *-tos (Skr. yd-tah ' whence ', Lat. in-tus, W. hwn-t

'hence'); manner, *-ti (Skr. i-ti 'thus', Lat. iti-dem), *-tha (Skr. ka-tha ' how ', yd-tha ' as ', Lat. ita < *i-ta) ; time, *-dd (Skr. ya-da ' when '), *-te (Gk. o-re ' when ') ; Brugmann 2 II ii 728-734. To these may be added the adj. of number formed with *-ti (Skr. kd-ti ' how many ? ' W. pe-t id., Lat. quo-t, Skr. yd-ti ' as many '). The W. adverbial forms of the rel. prob. represent several of these derivatives of the rel. *io- ; accented o would remain, and, becoming unacc. later, would give y 65 iv (2). Distinctions of meaning were lost, and the forms were adapted to the initials which followed them. y8 before a vowel may represent *io-dhi 'where' or *io-dhem ' whence ' ; possibly in id thrice before aeth in B.B. 3, 97 (marg. bis) an old distinction is reflected : id < *io-te 'whither'. yd [soft] denoting manner as kelvit id gan B.B. 15 ' [it is] skilfully that he sings ' < *io-ti or *io-thd ; denoting number, as pop cant id cuitin do. 95 '[it was] by the hundred that they fell' < *i$-ti, cf. Ml. W. pet ' how many ? ' y [rad.] prob. has two sources : i. yd [soft] before t- gives *yd d- which becomes y t-, i. e. y [rad.], afterwards extended to other initials ; 2. yB must have been orig. used before consonants as well as vowels, and might take the rad. (y8 ' whence ' < *io-dhem) ; the -8 would be lost before the consonant 110 iv (3). As yr is not known to occur before the i4th cent, it is improbable that it represents an old r-derivative. It is most probably for Late Ml. yr as in val yr lygryssit . . . y grofdeu W.M. 75 'the way that his crofts had been ruined ', from y ry, as pob gwlat or y ry fuum do. 144 'every country of those where I have been '. (Earlier, ry is used without y as Huchof re traydhassam A.L. i 58.) The analogy of the art. y : yr might help to spread yr rel. before a vowel.

(3) The neg. rel. ny may be < *no < *nio < *ne to. It caused lenition because orig. unaccented, see 217 iv; later the mutation after it was assimilated to that following ordinary ny ' not ' ; probably nyt rel. is also analogical, na is probably the same as indirect na, see ib.

vii. (i) The relative in all cases comes immediately before the verb of the rel. clause (only an infixed pron. can intervene) ; and is often preceded by the demonstratives yr tiwn, yr Aon, yr hyn, ar as well as y sawl, y neb, yr un, y rhai. In translations these, which are properly antecedents or stand in apposition to the antecedent, are often attracted into the relative sentence, pro- ducing a confused construction ; see Syntax. Before the adverbial forms there occur similarly y lie ' [in] the place ' (the rel. meaning 'where'), modd, mal, megis ' [in] the manner' (the rel. meaning- ' in which '), pryd ' the time ' (the rel. meaning ' when '), etc.

(2) In sentences beginning with a noun or adverb followed by a rel., the noun or adv. is the predicate and the rel. clause the subject. Thus Dafydd a welais i means ' [it is] David whom I saw ' or ' [the man] whom I saw [is] David ' ; ynia y ganed Dafydd means ' [it is] here that D. was born '. In the spoken language the noun or adv. is always emphatic and predicative, and the literal meaning is not departed from. But in lit. W. sentences of the above form are used rhetorically where the noun or adv. is not emphatic ; hence some scholars have doubted that a and y8 are relatives. It seems clear however that the sense preserved in the spoken language is the literal one. This is confirmed by the use of the rel. verbs sydd, pieu, see iv(i), 192ii( 3 ); cf.163v.


163. i. The interrogative pronouns, adjectives and adverbs are the following (the form of the interrogative is the same whether the question be direct or indirect) :

(1) Ml. and Mn. W. pwy ' who ?'

Puy guant cath paluc B.B. 96 ' who wounded P.'s cat 1 ?' Ac ny wnn i pwy wyt ti W.M. 3 ' and I know not who thou art ' ; y bwy y fo&it W.M. 402 'to whom it should be given ' ; Pwy a osododd ei mesurau hi, os ywyddost ? neu pwy a estynnodd linyn ami hi ? Job xxxviii 5. Bwy W.IL. 44, 59.

In Ml. W. pwy is also used for ' what is ? ' as dayar, pwy y llet neu pwy y thewhet B.T. 20 ' the earth, what is its breadth or what is its thickness 1 ' pwy enwyteir kaer do. 35 ' what is the name of the three forts'? ' Cf. K.P. 1054. It is also found later with enw, as Pwy dy henw D.Gr. 365 ' what is thy name ? ' This may be for py *wy where *wy is an older form of yw ' is ' 78 iv (i) ; if so, in pwy yw dy enw IL.A. 128 the yw is redundant.

The use of pwy before a^ noun is rare : Pwy ystyr yw gennyt ti kclu . , . W.M. 454 ' what reason hast thou to conceal . . . ? ' Pro- bably the yw here is redundant as above, and the construction was originally that in Pwy ystyr nas agory ti do. 456 ' what is the reason that thou wilt not open it ? ' This type of phrase might give rise to the adjectival use of pwy, which occurs more frequently later, and is common in the dialects : pwy wr TL 30/103, pwy ryw Jyd do. 480, cf. pwy un ii (i) below.

(2) Ml. W. pa, py, ba, by, Mn. W. pa, la (rarely py) ' what . . . ? ' adjectival. It causes the soft mutation (B.B. pa

gur = pa %tcr).

Pa gur yv y porthaur B.B. 94 'what man is the porter T Pa gyvarwydd a vy8 ymi W.M. 4 ' what indication will there be to me ? ' y edrych pa ve&wl yw yr ei&unt do. 39 ' to see what thought is theirs'; ym mha ddinasoedd y maent yn preswylio Num. xiii 19. Py 8rwc yw hynny K.M. 178 'what evil is that ?' i.e. what does that matter? py le pan Beuei W.M. 132, K.M. 204 'whence he came'. Ba beth see (3), by &yn bynnac B.P. 1256. Forms with b- are common in Early Mn. verse.

In Early Ml. W. pa, py is also used for ' what ? ' substantival, as paroteiste oth dlud B.B. 20 'what didst thou give of thy wealth?' Pa Sarvu W.M. 58, B.M. 41 'what happened?' Pa wnaf B.P. 1045 ' what shall I do ? ' Py gynheil magwyr dayar yn bresswyl B.T. 28 ' what supports the wall of the earth permanently 1 ' It is also used for ' why ? ' as Py liuy ( = livy or liwy) di W.M. 454 ' why dost thou colour ? ' Duw reen py bereist lyvwr B.P. 1032 ' Lord God, why hast thou made a coward 1 '

(3) Ml. W. peth ' what?' substantival, usually beth, also pa beth. ba beth : Mn. W. beth ^ pa beth.

A wSost ti peth wyt B.T. 2 7 ' dost thou know what thou art ? ' Xa wn, heb ynteu, peth yw marchawc W.M. 118 ' I do not know, said he, what a knight is ' ; Peth bynnac see iv.

beth yw dy arch di W.M. 20 ' what is thy request ? ' beth yw hynny do. 28, 42 ' what is that ? ' beth yssyB yn y boly hwnn do. 54 ' what is in this bag ? ' beth yssy?> yma ib. ' what is here ? ' Beth a Sarvu yn y diweB iSaw ef HJ.A. 16 ' what happened in the end to him ? ' beth am y rei bychein do. 4 1 ' what about the little ones 1 ' Beth . . . pel 'what if ' 12 times in IL.A. 67-8. Beth a gawn G. 228 ' what shall we have ? ' Beth a wnawn i'n chwaer 1 Can. viii 8.

Pape}> bi juv. gl. quid ; papedpmiac M.C. gl. quoduis ; ba beth oreu rac eneid B.B. 84 ' what [is] best for the soul ' ; Pa beth a wnnant wy IL.A. 66 ( what do they do ? ' Pa beth yw dyn i ti i'w go/to 1 Ps. viii 4.

(4) Early Ml. W. pet [soft] ' how many . . . ? ' (In Late Ml. W. and Mn. W. this gave place to pa sawl ii (4).)

pet wynt, pet ffreu, pet avon B.T. 20 ' How many winds, how many streams, how many rivers ' ; Gogwn . . . pet 8y8 ym blwySyn, pet paladyr yg kat, pet 8os yg kawat do. 21-2 'I know how many days [there are] in a year, how many spears in an army, how many drops in a shower '.

(5) Early Ml. W. pyr ' why ? '

pir deuthoste B.B. 23 ' why hast thou come? ' pyr na'm dywedyS B.T. 27 ' why dost thou not tell me ? ' pyr na thr(a)ethwch traethawt do. 19 'why do you not make a statement?' pyr y kyverchy di W.M. 486 (in B.B. 126 Py rac . . .) 'why dost thou accost [me]?' A form pyt occurs once, and may be an error for pyr : pyt echems drwc B.T. 27 ' why did evil arise ? '

(6) Ml. W. pan ' whence ? ' also ban B.B. 102. It is generally repeated before the verb in the answer. pan Soy di, yr yscolheic ? Pan Soaf, arglwyb, o Loygyr W.M. 76 ' Whence comest thou, clerk ? I come, lord, from England.' In the answer pan has become a relative, so that the original meaning would be 'whence I come, lord, [is] from England', pan is similarly used in the answer when it occurs as a relative (for y$) in the question ;

ba le pan Seuy di ? Pan 8eiutf, heb ynteu, o'r dinas B.M. 275 ' from what place [is it] that thou comest ? I come, said he, from the city '. On pan rel., see 162 iv (3).

(7) Early Ml. W. cw, cwd (cwt], cw8 ' where ? ' ' whence ? ' * whither ? '

mar, cv tTvreia cud echwit . . . Redecauc duwy-r . . . cvd a . . . cv treigil, cv threwna(1),pa hid a, nev cud vit B.B. 88 ' The sea }j whither it ebbs, whither it subsides . . . Running water, whither it goes, whither it rolls, where it settles (?), how far it goes, or where it will be '. kwt ynt plant y gwr W.M. 453 ' where are the children of the man 1 ' (in the R.M. 101 ble mae for kwt ynt). Neunos cwt 8yuy8, kwS Sirgel rac dyS B.T. 41 'or night, whence it comes, whither it recedes before day'; cwS vy8 nos yn arhos dyS do. 28 'where the night is, awaiting the day'. Ny wtant cwt (t = S) ant P.M. M.A. 1 284 'they know not where they go'.

(8) pi-eu ' to whom belongs ? ' See 192.

ii. Many interrogative expressions are formed by combining pa, py with nouns and adjectives ; thus

(1) pa un, pi. pa rai ' which? ' (followed by o ' of), pwy un is also found.

Am ba un o'r gweithredoedd hynny yr ydych yn fy llabyddio i ? loan x 32. ywraig i bwy un o Jionynt yw hi? Luc xx 33. Pa rei vu y rei hynny IL.A. 1 7 ' which were those ? '

pa un is also used sometimes for ' who ? ' as dywet titheu . . pa un wyt ti s.G. 57 ' and do thou say who thou art '.

pa un and pwy un are sometimes contracted to p'un and pwy'n ; thus pun wyt B.M. 222 'who thou art* (for W.M. 154 pwy wyt); Brig kwyr, pwy ni wyr pwy'n yw S.Ph. c 19/274 '(Maid of) the waxen hair, who knows not who she is ? '

(2) pa le, pie, ble ' where ? ' ' whither ? ' obale,o ble ' whence ? ' i ba le, i lie ' whither ? ' pa du ' where ? ' ' whither ? ' (These forms supplanted cw, cwd, cwb in Late Ml. and Mn. W.)

Pa le y bu Babel IL.A. 44 ' where was Babel ? ' ble mae plant y gwr B.M. 101, see i (7) above ; Pa le y8 aeth A8af yna IL.A. 13 "quo ivit tune Adam?" Ble'dd dn' rluig blaidd o Wynedd T.A. A 14966/57 ' whither will they go from the wolf of Gwynedd ? ' O ba le y daw breuSwydon IL.A. 57 ' whence come dreams 1 ' I ble y tyn heb weled tir T.A. A 14979/143 (D.G. 296) ' whither will it (the ship) make for without seeing land?' Pa du IL.A. 19 'whither 1 ?' py tu W.M. 484 ' where '.

(3) pa Selw, pa we8, pa flftiryf, pa voS, late pa sut ' how ? '

Pa Selw y daw yr arglwyS y'r vrawt IL.A. 6 1 " qualiter veniet Dominus ad judicium 1 " Pa weS do. 15 " quali modo 1 " Pa ffuryf do. 4 ; pa voS do. 21.

pa bryd ' when ? ' pa awr (pa hawr 112 i (2) ), pa 8y8, etc., ' what hour ? ' ' what day ? '

(4) pa faint 'how much? how many ?' followed by o 'of, pa hyd ' how long ? ' pa sawl [rad.] ' how many ? '

ny 8i8ory pa veint o wyrda Ffreinc a Uvaer C.M. 78 'thou carest not how many of the nobles of France are destroyed '. Pa faint o gamweddau . . . ] Job xiii 23. Pa hyd arglwydd y'm anghofi ? Ps. xiii i. Bysawl nef ysy8 IL.A. 128 'how many heavens are there?' Pysawl pechawt a oruc A8af do. 131 'how many sins did Adam commit ? ' Pa sawl ttyfr, pa sawl bedd ... a welsoch B.CW. 70 ' How many books, how many graves have you seen ? '

maint and hyd are equative nouns 148 i (12), (8). pa may also be put before any equative adj. with cyn; as py gybellet oSyma yw y cruc W.M. 154 ' how far from here is the mound 1 ' It is also used in Mn. W. with mor and a pos. adj. pa mor Sa, etc.

(5) P a gyfryw [soft] ' what manner of . . . ?' Mn. ryw fath \$ott\, pa fath [soft] id.

Py gyfryw wr yw awch tat chwi pan olio lleassu pawb velly W.M. 152 'what manner of man is your father when he can kill everybody so 1 ?' Pa ryw fath rai A.G. 36. cyfryw is the equivalent of an equative 149 ii (i).

(6) pa ryw [soft] ' what . . . ? ' adjectival.

Sometimes pa ryw means ' what kind of ? ' as Pa ryw Inn yssyS ar yr engylyon IL.A. 9 " qualem formam habent angeli 1 " But generally it means ' what particular (thing, etc.) ? ' or ' what class of (things etc.) ? ' preserving the older meaning of ryw 165 vi ; as pa ryw lu sy'n poeri i lawr D.G. 409 ' what host is spitting down [the snow] ? ' ynteu a ofynnwys pa ryw 8ynyon oeS y rei hynny C.M. 14 ' and he asked what class of men those were.'

pa ryw became pa ry (cf. amry- 165 iv (9)) wrongly written pa 'r y, as pa 'r y ddyfnder M.IL. i 2 1 2 ' what depth 1 ' This is again reduced to pa r' (wrongly written pa 'r), as pa r' ofid waeth T.A. A 14866/201 ' what sorrow [could be] worse ? ' Perygl i wyr, pa'r glwy waeth L.M. D.T. 145 'dangerous to men, what disease [is] worse ?' a pha'r gledi sydd arno 'rwan B.CW. 73 'and what hard- ship does he suffer now 1 ' -pa ryw KM ' which (particular) one ? ' becomes par'un M.IL. i 182, which is very common in Gwynedd, and is sometimes further reduced to pr'un.

iii. pa or py might have a postfixed preposition, 47 iv. Of the expressions so formed only paham ' why ? ' survives ; often contracted to pam which is at least as early as W.B. Others in use in Ml. W. are pa-har and pa rac or py rac ; for references see 47 iv.

Pam y kymerion inheu hynny gan y tayogeu lladron W.M. 68, cf. 73 ' why should we take that from the thievish villains ? '

Ml. W. pabiw^py^iw ' to whom ? ' seems to belong to this class, but its formation is obscure ; see vi.

O.W. padiu ox. ' for what ? ' glossing quid in " Quid tibi Pasiphae pretiosas sumere vestes ? " issit padiu itau gulat juv. lit. ' there-is to-whom-it-is that-comes lordship' (?) glossing est cui regia in " Cunctis genitoris gloria vestri laudetur celsi thronus est cui regia caeli ". Ml. W. geyr eu y eyr [ef ] paSyu y ro8es [pySiw nys ro8es~\ A.L.MS. A. [MS. D.] i 108 'his (the donor's) word is word (i.e. decides) to whom it is that he gave it, to whom it is that he did not give it '. gwynn y vyt pySiw y fo8?> kerennyS Duw R.P. 1056 ' Blessed is he to whom is given the grace of God '. Later with a redundant y ' to ' : y bySiw y bo gorSerch dec iSaw C.M. 3 2 ' [we shall know] to whom it is that there will be a fair leman '.

iv. The forms pwy bynnag, petit bynnag^ beth bynnag, pa leth bynnag, pa . . bynnag, etc., have lost their interrogative meaning, and are used as " universal " relatives, meaning ' whosoever ', ' whatsoever ', ' what . . . soever '.

Pwybynnac a vynnho TL.A.. 1 38 " Quicunque vult ". Peth bynnac o garuei&rwyS a vei yrungthunt W.M. 6 ' whatsoever of blandishment there was between them.' A Duw a vi/8 y gyt a thi bethbynnac a wnelych IL.A. 105-6 'And God will be with thee whatever thou doest'. By Syn bynnac vych, by ger& a vettrych K.P. 1256 'what man soever thou art, what craft [soever] thou art skilled in '. pa ddaioni bynnag a umelo pob un Eph. vi 8.

In 8.W. dialects bynnag loses its final -g, and in late S.W. MSS. it sometimes appears as bynna or benna. We also find in Late Mn. W. bynnag put before pa, peth, as Bynnag beth sydd mewn creadur Wms. 294 ' whatsoever is in a creature' ; bynnag pa V fodd M.L. i 82, 97 'however'; though used here by W.M., it does not seem to be a N.W. construction. A dialectal form in S.W. of bynnag is gynnag, and gynnag pwy, gynnag beth are found in some lesser writings of the late period ; more recently they appear in the corrupt and curiously meaningless forms gan nod pwy, gan nod beth.

v. As the interrogative is always predicative it is followed regularly in Ml. and Mn. "W. by the relative on the analogy of affirmative sentences; thus jnvy a wyr ' who [is it] that knows 1 ' on the analogy of Duw a wyr '[it is] God that knows', 162 vii (2). But this appears to be an innovation in the case of the interrogative, as the oldest examples omit the relative, as puy guant i (i), pa roteiste i (2), pir deuthoste i (5).

vi. The stems of the interrogative in Ar. were *q v o-, *q*e-, f. q*d-, also *q*i-, *q*u- the last in adverbs only (Brugmann 2 II ii 348). W. pwy < nom. sg. mas. *q*o-i : Lat. qul < *q*o-i. W. pa, py adj. < stem *q%o- compounded with its noun and so causing lenition ; o after the labial becomes a, or remains and becomes y, cf. 65 iv (2). W. pa, py subst. < nom., ace. sg. neut. *q^o-d, *q*i-d : Lat. quod, quid; lenition is perhaps due to the analogy of the adj. pa, py. W. peth < *q*id-dm 91 ii ; already in Brit, the word had become indef., meaning ' something, thing ', hence pa beth ' what thing ? ' beth is not necessarily a shortening of this, as pa is not omitted in such phrases in Ml. W. ; but beth is for peth (= Ml. Bret, pez ' quid ? ') which occurs in Ml. W., see i (3), with b- as in ba, by i (2), ftawB.B. 55, 56. Ml. W. pet ' how many 1 ' Bret, pet < *q*e-ti 162 vi (2). Ml. Vf.pyr 'why? ' < *q*o-r : Goth., O.E. hwar ' where? ' < *q*o-r, Lat. cur < *qi*o-r. W. pan < *qUan-de < *q^am-de : cf. O. Lat. quamde, Umbr. ponne 147 iv (4) p. 245. Ml. W. cw, cwd, cw& represent different formations of *q*u- (q* > k before u 89 ii (3)) by the addition of more than one of the suffixes named in 162 vi (2); the different forms have been confused, and can no longer be disentangled ; similar formations are Skr. kii-ha (h < dh), Gathav. ku-da ' where ? ' Lat. ubi < *q*u-dh-, O. Bulg. ku-de ' where ? '

W. pam, pahdm < *pa(S] am < *q*od mbhi ' what about ? ' paBiw or pySiw is obscure ; no dative form seems possible ; an analogical *pod-do might give *py8 (as d-d >d93iii(i)) and iw may be yw ' is ' 77 v ; so ' to whom it is ' or ' for what it is '.

W. bynnag, Bret, bennak, bennag, seems to be from some such form as *q*om-de ' when ' + ac ' and ', so that in meaning it is the literal equivalent of Lat. cum-que, and is, like it, separable (Lat. qul cumque lit. ' who and when ').


164. i. (i) The demonstratives hwn 'this', hwnnw 'that' are peculiar in having- a neuter form in the singular. Both are substantival and adjectival. The adjectival demonstrative is placed after its noun, which is preceded by the article ; thusy gwr hwn ' this man '. The different forms are sg. mas. hwn, hwnnw, fern, hon, honno, neut. hyn, hynny, pi. m. and f. hyn, hynny.

The following forms occur in O.W. : hinn M.C., juv., CP. 'hyn'; Tiunnoid ox., hunnuid M.C. ' hwnnw ' ; hinnoid ox. ' hynny ' ; hirunn juv. ' yr hwn ', ir hinn M.C. ' the one', m., see iv (i); hunnuith CP. f. f hinnuith ib. m., hinnith ib. neut. and pi.

(a) hivnnw means ' that ' person or thing- out of sight, ' that ' in our minds. To indicate objects in sight, adverbs are added to hwn ; thus hwn yna ' that (which you see) there, that near you ', hwn acw, Ml. W. hwnn racko l that yonder'. So hwn yma 'this here '. But yma and yna are also used figuratively ; hwn yma 1 this ' which I am speaking of, hwn yna ' that ' which I have just mentioned. Hence we can have the abstract hyn before these ; but not before acw which is always used literally of place.

Vy arglwybes i yw honn racko B.M. 175 ' that (lady) yonder is my mistress'. Guttun Ywain a ysgrivennodd hwnnyma Gut.O. auto. IL 28/33 B - ' Guttun Owain wrote this'.

An-dml yw i hwn yma

Nag ystor nag eisiau da. I.D., TK. 149.

' It is rare for this one to store or to want wealth.'

These expressions are sometimes used adjectivally as y wreic weSw honn yman IL.A. 114' this widow ' ; o'r byt hwnn yma do. 1 1 7 ' from this world ' ; y vorwyn honn yma s.o. 143 ' this maiden '. But for this purpose the adverb alone is generally used : yn y byt yma IL.A. 102, 155 ' in this world ' ; o'r esgobawt yma B.P. 1272 ' from this diocese ' ; y vySin burwenn racco K.M. 151 ' the white jirmy yonder '. Any other adverb of place may be similarly employed : y fan draw, y tu hwnt, etc.

In the spoken language hwn 'yna, hon yna, ht[n yna are commonly contracted to hw\na, ho\na, hy\na (not hwnna, etc.) ; and these forms occur in recent writings.

(3) The neut. sg. hyn, hynny always denotes an abstraction ; it means ' this ' or ' that ' circumstance, matter, thought, statement, precept, question, reason, etc. ; or ' this ' or ' that ' number or quantity of anything ; or ' this ' or ' that ' period or point of time.

Hynny, hep ef, ansyberwyt oeS W.M. 2 ' that, said he, was ungentle- manliness ' (meaning ' that ' conduct) ; Pater noster . . . sef yw pwyll hynny yn tat ni IL.A. 147 ' Pater noster . . . the meaning of that is our Father '. A wnelo hyn nid ysgogir yn dragywydd Ps. xv 5 ; wfdi hyn ' after this '. j\*id wylais gyda'r delyn Am 'y nhad gymain a hynn. I.D. TK. 151. ' I have not wept with the harp for my [own] father as much as this.'

ii. (i) The neut. liyn or hynny is substantival, not adjectival. In Mn. W. it is sometimes used adjectivally after certain nouns ; but as the construction is unusual in Ml. W., it must be a neologism : yn y kyfrwg Tiynny R.B.B. 1 1 for yg kyfrwg hynny do. 319, 320, 321. The examples show that it is added to nouns expressing 1 ideas for which substantival hyn stands.

or chwedl hir hyn H.A. Hj 133/164 'of this long story ' ; A'r peih hyn S.Ph. E.P. 275 'and this thing' [which thou knowest] ; y peih hyn Dan. iii 16 'this matter' ; ein neges hyn Jos. ii 14, 20 'this our business ' ; y pryd hynny i Sam. xiv 18 ; ai'r pryd hyn Act. i 6. This use of hyn, hynny never became common, but seems to have been more or less local. In Gwent hyn adj. has spread, and is now used with all nouns. O.W. hinnith after ir loc guac in CP. 6 seems to be an error for hinnuith as in 9, n, 14, 15, a form of hwnnw, with y for w in the penult, cf. 66 ii (i).

(2) The pi. hyn or Jiynny is both adjectival and substantival. The former use is extremely common. The latter is compara- tively rare ; examples are

ny ihebygaf i y im o hyn vynet W.M. 35 ' I do not imagine any of these will go', a hene ( = hynnif) a elguyr goskorth e brenyn A.L. i 8 'and those are called the king's guard'. Ni phalla un o hyn Es. xxxiv 16 ' No one of these shall be missing'.

The reason that this use is rare is that hyn or Tiynny pi. was liable to be confused with hyn or hynny neut. sg. ; thus hyn ' these ' might be taken for hyn ' this (number) '. To avoid the ambiguity ' these ' and ' those ' substantival were expressed by y rhai hyn and y rhai Tiynny ', literally ' these ones ' and ' those ones '. Though still commonly written in full, these expressions were contracted, early in the Mn. period, to y rhain G.G1. c. i 198 andy rheiny do. do. 194, ory rfieiniT.A.. A 24980/85.

Angeu Duw fit 'Nyhedewain

O'i trysor hwy 'n treisiaw 'r rhain. L.G.C. 175.

'The death [angel] of God has been at Cedewain, robbing these [i.e. the people there a ] of their treasure.'

a Cf. 0e/irro/c\77$ <pevyd KfpKvpav, wv avruv tvfpytrrjs, Thuc. i 136. "Massiliam pervenit, atque ab iis receptua urbi praeficitur," Caes. B.C. i 36. Paul-Strong 163. Mae'r henwyr ? Ai meirw 'r rheini P Hynaf ott heno wyf i. G.G1., P. 100/411.

4 Where are the elders ? Are those dead ? Eldest of all to-night

ain I.'

iii. Adjectival hwn and hon form improper compounds with nouns of time ; thus yr awr hon > yr dwron ( 48 iv), yr dwran ; y waith hon >M1. W. e iceythyon A.L. i 242 (MS. B) usually weithon, Mn. weitkion, weithian ( 35 ii(i)) ; y pryd hwn > y prfitwn W.M. 102 ; y wers hon >y wershon W.M. 128 ; all the above mean ' now '. So y nos hon > y n6wn ' that nig-ht ', and y dydd hwn >'y dfithwn, y flwfhwn 66 ii(i) 'that day'. The form dythwn was still in use in the I7th cent. ; see Silvan Evans, s.v. dwthwn.

Arwydd ydyw yr awron

Wreiddiaio Rhys o'r ddaear hon. L.G.C. 206. ' It is a sign now that Rhys is sprung from this land.'

Ar bob dllawr yr awr an

Y gwneir cost o'r gwin a'r cann. D.N., G. 149. ' On every altar now provision is made of wine and white [bread].'

Bardd weithian i leuan wyf. L.G.C. 275. ' I am now a bard to leuan/

By dissimilation yr awran (pron. yr owran 81 iii (2)) became yr ovjan, and is now sounded in N.W. yrwan. The loss of the r goes back to the ith cent. :

bu draw 'r bywyd ar ran,

Mae'r Eos yma 'r owan. G.I.H. P 77/384.

4 If his life has been spent partly away, the Nightingale is here now.'

As ' this day ' and ' this night ' were expressed by hebiw and heno, the forms y dythwn and y noson were used for 4 this day ' or ' this night ' of which we are speaking, i. e. ' that day ' or ' that night '. When the composition of the words was forgotten hwnnw and honno v/ere added for clearness' sake; thus in A.L. i 142, where MS. A. has ni Sele y dithun kafail ateb 'he is not to have an answer that [same] day', the later MS. E. has y dythwn hunnw. This is the Biblical construction ; see y dwthwn hwnnw Jos. iv 14, vi 15, viii 25, ix 27, etc.; y noson honno Dan. v 30, vi 18. Later, noson and dwthwn were wrested from this context, and taken to mean simply 4 night ' and 4 day'; e.g. a dreuliodd y dwthwn yn sanctaidd RH.B.S. 215 translating " who has spent his day holily ".

iv. (i) The forms yr hwn, yr hon and yr hynQyvA, not *yr hivnnw etc.) are used before the relative, meaning, with the latter, ' the one who ' or ' he who ', ' she who ', and ' that which ' ; in the pi. y rhai ' the ones ' is used, which is more strictly the pi. of yr im 1 the one ' ; the latter is similarly employed, as are also y neb, y sawl and definite nouns like y gicr Ps. i I , etc.

0. W. ir hinn issid M.c. ' he who is ' gl. ille ; ir hinn issid Christ juv. 'he who is Christ'; hirunn Juv. gl. quern. The first two glosses show that ir hinn might be mas. in O. W.

(2) The above forms may be qualified by superlatives : o'r hynn odidockaf a wypych K.M. 163 'of the rarest that thou knowest ' ; o'r hyn goreu a gaffer W.M. 428 'of the best that is to be had '. When so qualified a rel. clause need not follow : o'r hyn lleiaf Act. v 15 ' at least ' ; taled o'r hyn goreu yn eifaes ei hun etc. Ex. xxii 5. >So with adverbial expressions : yr hwnn y tu a Chemyw W.M. 59 ' the one towards Cornwall '.

(3) In the 1 6th cent, yr was often omitted before hwn in this con- struction : hwn a fedd faivredd W.IL. G. 292 'he who possesses greatness ' ; Hwn a wnaeth nef E.P. PS. cxxi 2 ' He who made heaven ' ; i hwn a'th wahoddodd Luc xiv 9 ; i hyn a weddiller Act. xv 17. In Gwyn. dial, yr hum has been replaced by hwnnw.

v. Before relatives we also have in Ml. "W. the form ar, which is sg. and pi.

Idlune ar a beir B.B. 88 'let us praise Him who creates'; yno kyrcheist ar a gereist o rei goreu G.M.D. R.P. 1202 'there thou broughtest those whom thou lovedst of the best ' ; ar ny Bel yn uvy& kymmdler o nerth cleSyveu W.M. 8 'let him who will not come obediently be compelled by force of arms ' ; ac a vynnwys bedyo o'r Sarascinyeit a adwys Charlys yn vyw, ac ar nys mynnwys a laSawB C.M. 3 ' and [those] who would be baptized of the Saracens Charles left alive, and those who would not he slew.'

It is chiefly found in the form r after o 'of.

Ac o'r a welsei efo helgwn y byt, ny welsei cwn un lliw ac wynt W.M. i ' and of those that he had seen of the hounds of the world he had not seen dogs of the same colour as these ' ; o'r a SeZei yr llys W.M. 34 'of those who came to the court ' ; pob creadur o'r a wnaeth- pwyt JL.A. 4 ' every creature of those that have been created' ; 606 awr o'r y hoetter C.M. 86 'every hour of those during which it is delayed '.

In Mn. W. this construction survives with o replaced by a

na dim o'r sydd eiddo dy gymydoy Ex. xx 1 7. Pob peth byw a'r sydd gyda thi Gen. viii 17, see ix 16. ym mhob dim a'r y galwom arno Deut. iv 7. dim a'r a wnaethpwyd loan i 3.

vi. hwn and hon come in the first instance from Brit. *sundos,

  • sunda; the neut. hyn from *sindod, and the pi. hyn from either
  • sundl or *sindi. The -u- and -i- are undoubtedly for -o- and -e-

before -nd- 65 iii (i) ; we arrive, therefore, at *sondos, *sonda for hwn, hon, *sendod for hyn neut., and *sondl or *sendl for %w pi. (In the Coligny Calendar sonno and sonna occur, Rhys CG. 6, but the context is obscure or lost.)

The most probable explanation of the above forms seems to be that they are adjectives formed from adverbs of place, which were made by adding a -d(h)- suffix, 162 vi (2), to *sem-, *som- : Skr. samd-h ' same ', Gk. 6/xo's, Ir. som ' ipse '. The form of the adverb would be similar to that of Skr. sa-hd ' in the same place together ' < *sm-dhe ; but the Kelt, formations have the full grades *sem-, *som- (instead of the R-grade *sm-) and the demonstrative meaning ('in this place, here '). For the formation of an adj. *sendos from an adv. *sende cf. Lat. supernus : superne, and cf. the transference of the flexion to the particle -te in Lat. is-te, etc.

It is probable that coming after its noun the form of the adj. was m. *sondos, f. *sondd, neut. *sondod, pi. m. *sondl giving W. m. and neut. hwn, f. hon, pi. hyn. This agrees with the fact that neut. adj. hyn after a noun is an innovation ii (i). Before a noun the form would be *sendos etc., whence the Ir. article (s)ind. This survives in only a few phrases in W. The substantival form would also be m.

  • sendos, f. *sendd, neut. *sendod, pi. m. *sendi which would give W. m.

hyn, f. *hen, neut. hyn, pi. hyn. We have seen above, iv (i), that ir hinn was m. in O.W., but was already beginning to be ousted by hirunn (for *ir hunn), as *henn had perhaps been already replaced by honn, for in Corn, the forms are m. hen (= W. hynn), f. hon (= W. honn). The result is that hyn remains as the neut. subst. ; but the m. and f. substantives hynn, *henn were changed to hwnn, honn on the analogy of the adjectives.

The form hwnnw comes from a derivative in '-MO- of the adj.

  • sondos", thus *sondiios > hunnoiS 75 iv (2) > hunnui8 > hwnnw

78 i (i), (2). The fern. *sondiia would also give the same form, which actually occurs as f. : ir bloidin hunnuith CP. ' that year ' ; honno is therefore a re-formate on the analogy of hon ; so the last syll. of hynny 78 i (i).

ar is prob. formed in a similar manner from an adv. with the suffix -r which was mostly locative, Brugmann 2 II ii 735. The stem might be *an- 220 ii (n); thus *an-ro-s > *arr > ar.


165. i. Pronominalia expressing alternatives are substantival and adjectival, definite and indefinite.

Subst. def. : y naill . . . y llall ' the one . . . the other ' ; pL y naill . . . y lleill ' these . . . the others '. In Ml. W. the first term is y neill ory lleill, thus y lleill . . . y llall * the one . . . the other '. "With an adj. or rel. clause, and in negative sentences, the first term is yr un ' the one ', pi. y rhai, Ml.y rei ' the ones '.

Subst. indef. : un . . . arall ' one . . . another ' ; pi. rliai . . . eraitt, Ml. hi . . . ereill ' some . . . others '.

In the following list of adjectival forms gwr, gwyr, gwraig show the position and initial mutation of the noun :

Adj. def. : y naill wr . . . y gwr arall ' the one man . . . the other man' ; y naill wraig . . . y wraig arall ; y naill wyr . . . y gwijr eraill. For y naill Ml. W. has y neill or y lleill, and for eraill, ereill, also used in Mn. \V.

Adj. indef. : rhyw wr . . . gwr arall ' a certain man . . . another man ' ; un gwr . . . gwr arall ' one man . . . another man ' ; rltyv: wraig . . . gwraig arall ; un wraig . . . gwraig arall ; rhyw wyr . . . gwyr eraill ; Mn. W. rhai gwyr . . . gwyr eraill. Ml. W. ereill, also used in Mn. W. 81 iii (i).

y naill (and Ml. y lleill) adj. ' the one ' and rhyw form compounds with their nouns, which are lenited 155 ii (i), iii (7). The com- pound is often a stiict one as y neillffbrdd, rhywbeth. As -II causes provection of mediae, an initial tenuis after neill, lleill generally appears unmutated in Ml. W., as y neillparth for y neillbarth, etc., 111 vi (2); but analogy generally restores the mutation in Mn. W., especially when the compound is loose, as y naill "beth a'r Hall ' the one thing and the other ' ; but neilltu, see ib.

Subst. : yn gyflytn y llaSawS y neill o'r gweisson, ac yn y lie y UaSawB y llall B.M. 191 'he quickly slew one of the youths, and forthwith slew the other'; yny orffei y lleill ar y llall K.M. 262, W.M. 408 'until the one overcame the other'; a'r un y bybei borth ef i8i a gollei y gware, a'r llall a Sodei awr W.M. 174-5 'and the one that he supported lost the game, and the other gave a shout'. rei ohonunt yn wylaw, ereill yn udaw, ereill yn cwynaw H/.A. 152

  • some of them weeping, others moaning, others crying ' ; i un, . . . ac

i arall . . . ac i arall . . . etc. i Cor. xii 8-10; the second term may of course be repeated when indef.

Adj. : o'r lleill b partli . . . ac o'r parth arall W.M. 421-2 ' on the one hand . . . and on the other hand ' (6 beginning barth deleted by uuderdot) ; am nat oe8 kyn Siogelet y neill^brS a'r llall s.o. 29 ' be- cause the one way was not as safe as the other'. Or bwytey mywn un ams&r yn y dyS, a symut hynny y amser arall M.M. 33 (from B.B.) ' if thou eatest at one time in the day, and changest that to another time'; ryw Byn cynbhigennus . . . undyn arall J.D.R. [xxii] ' a jealous man . . . any other man ' ; Mn. W. rhai dynion . . . eraill EH. B.S. 87 " some men . . . others " ; the use of rhai before a noun seems to be late, but neb ret occurs so in Ml. W., iv (3). ii. (i) The first alternative may be a noun or personal or demonstrative pronoun, as ti ac arall ' thou and another ' (i. e such as thou), hyn ar Hall ' this and that '.

Car yn cyhuddo arall !

Hawdd i'r llaw gyhuddti*r Hall. T.A., c. ii 78.

' A kinsman accusing another ! ' [It is] easy for the hand to accuse the other.' kanys yr hynn a vynnei hwnn nys mynnei y Hall s.G. 49 ' for that which this [one] desired the other desired not '. In these cases the second term subst. pi. may be (y) rhai eraill ' (the) others ' : mwy . . . oe8 honno rao'r rei ereill oil W.M. 180 'that [ship] was larger than all the others ' ; Hog a oe8 vwy noc un o'r rei ereill do. 185 ; cf. IL.A. 1 02.

(2) The first alternative may be implied, as in other languages ; as y dydcl arall M.IL. i 178 ' the other day ' ; y nos arall I?.P. 1362, D.G. 25 ' the other night ' ; Gad i evBillgadw arian T.A. F. 6 ' let others hoard money '.

iii. All the forms of the first term except y naill subst. may be used without a sequel as ordinary pronominalia meaning ' one, some ' ; thus

(1) Adj. y naill 'one' in y naill hanner 'one half (now generally ' about a half), y naill du my neilltu* one side ' (hence neilltiio ' to retire ' etc.) ; neill-law see example.

JEiste8 a oruc Peredur ar neill law yr amherodres W.M. 164 (neill- law E.M. 231) 'Peredur sat beside the empress', lit. 'on one side of the e/ ond pan el o'r neilltu Diar. xx 14 ; see Gen. xxx 40; Barn, vii 5 ; 2 Sam. iii 27 ; etc.

(2) Subst. un 'one', pi. rhai, Ml. rei 'some'; often with qualifying adjectives un da 'a good one ', rhai drwg ' bad ones '. Also yr nn ' the one ', pi. y rhai, Ml. y rei ' the ones ' ; these are chiefly used with adjectives as yr un drwg ' the evil one ', or with a relative clause 164 iv (i) ; and yr un instead of the indef. un in negative sentences, as

Pa obeith yssyS i/r gler ? Nyt oes yr un IL.A. 40 ' What hope is there for the bards? There is none.' Cf. S.G. 17, 1. 10.

Adj. yr un [m. rad., f. soft] ' the same', followed, if necessary, by ac (ag\a 'as '. Also un [soft], forming compounds strict or loose with nouns ; the compound is an adj. meaning ' of the same ...', 149 ii (3). (3) Adj. rhyw' a (certain), some'. The noun with which rliyv is compounded, see i, may be singular or plural.

fyv duted edmic B.B. 43 ' an admirable covering '. fyw Savatenneu M.M. 6 (from K.B.) 'some warts'. Yr oedd gan ryw wr ddau fab Luc xv ii " avBpwrros rts ". rhyw ddynion i Tim. v 24 ' some men ' ; rhyw bethau 2 Petr. iii 16 'some things'; rnywn rhyw bhanneu (bh = v) J.D.R. [xvii] ' in some places '.

iv. Subst. un, pi. rhai and adj. rhyw^ preceded by pronouns, numerals or prefixes, form composite or compound pronominalia, thus :

(1) Pa un, pi. pa rai ' which ? ' 163 ii (i) ; pa ryw un 163 ii (6).

(2) pob un ' every one ' , pi. pob rhai.

A fob un o honunt W.M. 7 ' and each one of them '. pop fey o('r) rey henne A.L. i 8 'all of those '. Gofyn a oruc y Chyarlys ansawb pob fei o naSunt C.M. 14 ' he inquired of Charles the condition of all (i.e. each group) of them '.

(3) neb un or nebun subst. ' some one, any one ', adj. ' a certain ', pi. neb rhai, generally in positive sentences.

  • Subst. Nid mor ddihareb nebun 151 ii (3); neb fei o ovynnei

[read -eu\ bychein IL.A. 2 " quasdam quaestiunculas " ; nep fei drwc do. 30 'certain bad ones'. Adj. neb un vrenhindref yni IL.A. 166 ' a certain province of ours'; nebun genedyl K.B.B. 280 'a certain tribe ' ; neb fei rinweBeu IL.A. 102 ' certain miracles '.

(4) rhyw un, rhywun ' some one ', pi. rhyw rai, rhywrai, Ml.

ryw rei.

rhyw un i Cor. xv 35 "TIS" ; achaws mileindra ryw rei . . . kanys y inae fyw rei a'mllaSei i s.G. 320 ' On account of the brutality of some people ; for there are some who would kill me '.

(5) dau ryw, tri rhyw, etc. * two (three, etc.) different, two (three, etc.) kinds of.

Seithryw pechawt (read bechawt) marwawl ysyb IL.A. 147 ' there are seven different deadly sins '. Tri fyw gywyS yssyB . . . Deu ryw gywyS deu eir yssy8 E.G. 1134 'there are three kinds of cywyddau, . . . there are two kinds of cywyddau deuair '.

(6) pa ryw 163 ii (6).

(7) pob rhyw ' every, all manner of.

Pob fyw 8a o'r a orchymynnei yr yscrythur Ian IL.A. 126 'Every good that holy scripture commanded '. a phob fyw vlas yssyS ar y dwfyr hwnnw do. 167 'and that water has every kind of taste'. a phob ryw unpeth R.P. 1214' and every single thing '. i bob rhyw aderyn Ezec. xxxix 4 ; o bob rhyw beth Matt, xiii 47.

(8) neb rhyw ' any, any kind of, in negative sentences.

canyt oes nep ryw greadur a dllo y drossi e/TL.A. 33 'for there is not any creature that can turn Him', nyt argyweSa neb ryw wenwyn do. 166 'no poison hurts'.

neb rhyw ddim, see 170 iv (2).

(9) amryw ( various, several '. In Ml. W. it was generally used with a sg. noun ; in Late Mn. W. a pi. noun is generally used. In the Bible the noun is sometimes sg., but often pi.

Yssit yn y holy hwnn amryw vlawt W.M. 54 ' There are in this bag various kinds of flour'; amryw duted (t = 8) M.A. i 220, 'various coverings ' ; amryw wleSeu IL.A. 70 ' various feasts ' ; amryw bwys, . . . amryw fesur Deut. xxv 13, 14; amryw had . . . amryw ddefnydd Deut. xxii 9, 1 1 ; amryw Golan Gr.O. 40 ' many a New Year's Day'; amryw bwysau ac amryw fesur au Diar. xx 10 ; amryw glefydau Matt, iv 24; amryw ddoniau . . . amryw weinidogaethau . . . amryw weithrediadau . . . amryw dafodau i Cor. xii 4, 5, 6, 10.

amryw, like rhyw, forms the first element of a compound ; in some cases the compound is strict, and amryw then appears as amry- ; thus amrj-liw ' parti-coloured ' ; amrjson ' wrangle ' (s6n 'talk'); amrffus 'erring' (-fus <*mois- <*moit-t- : Lat. miito, E. miss, W. metK).

The recent amrai is a fiction ; see Silvan Evans, s. v.

(10) cyfryw ' such ', usually with the article, y cyfryw ; followed, if necessary, by ac (ay), a ' as ', which may be omitted before a demonstrative pron. or a relative clause (the rel. itself is ' as ' in this case, cf. Eng. the same who ; and the demonst. prob. represents an old obi. case of comparison).

.y kyfryw vwyt ac a oe8 ganthaw S.G. 200 ' such food as he had ' (lit. ' as what was with-him ') ; yn y kyfryw le a hwnn W.M. 10 ' in such a place as this'; y kyfryw Syn a hwn W.M. 123 'such a man as this '. Without ac ' as ' : y kyfryw varchawc y8 oe8 ef yn y 61 W.M. 138 ' such a knight as he was after ' ; y kyfryw Syn hwnn E.M. 198 ' such a man [as] this;' ; y'r kyfryw wr hwnnw K.B.B. 65 'to such a man [as] that'. Without the art. : a galw kyfryw Syn a hwn W.M. 123 1. 30 (beside y kyfryw 1. 16 quoted above) 'and to call such a man as this'; cf. S.G. 316, Jer. v 9, Matt, ix 8.

On the analogy of y meint etc., y rhyw is used instead of

y cyfryw in the above constructions.

Ny bu eiryoet y iywlewenyS ac a wnaethjnvyt S.G. 144 ' there never was such a welcome as was prepared' ; y ryw bryf a hwnnw W.M. 77 ' such a reptile as that '. Without ac ' as ' : y fy w genedyl a elwir y pagannyeit IL.A. 166 ' such a tribe as IB called the pagans ' ; y ryw bryf hwnnw K.M. 54 ' such a reptile [as] that ' ; y ryw gatwent honno K.B.B. 58 ' such a fight [as] that '.

y cyfryw is also substantival.

lawer o'r kyfVryw IL.A. 49 ' many such '. Yn erbyn y cyfryw nid oes ddeddfG&\. v 23.

pa gyfryw 163 ii (5) ; pob cyfryw ' all ' emphatic 168 i (2) ; neb cyfryw ' any such ' 170 iv (3).

(11) unrhyw, generally yr unrhyw 'the same', followed, if necessary, by ac (ag), a ' as '.

a'r unry w ymadrawS ganlunt ac a 8othoe8 gan y marcJutwc cyntaf K.M. 200 ' and [bringing] the same tale with them as came with the first knight'. Rid yw pob cnawd un rhyw gnawd i Cor. xv 39.

NOTE. unrhyw came in the i9th cent, to be commonly used as a translation of the English ' any ' ; thus ni welais unrhyw ddyn for ni welais un dyn. Pughe in his Die. does not give the word this meaning. (In D.G. 519 1. 46 unrhyw seems to be a mistake for yn rhyw.) The phrase o un rhyw ' of any kind ' is older.

un rhyw or unrhyw ' same ' is also substantival.

Ponyt un ryw a gymerth ludas a Phedyr IL.A. 25 " Nonne Judas idem accepit quod Petrus ? "

v. rhyw is also used as a noun m. ' kind ' ; and as an ordinary adj. in the phrase rkyw i ' [it is] natural to . . . '. From rhyw 4 kind ' come rhywiog ' kindly, of a good kind ', rhywogaeth ' species ', afryw % afrywiog ' unnatural, harsh '.

Frhyw hwn Marc ix 29. mor oeS ryw ym llew llywyaw G.D.A. K.P. 1226 'how natural it was to my lion to rule! ' Rhyw iddi roi rhodd yr wyl T.A. A 9817/179 ' It is natural to her to give a gift at the feast'. Nid rhyw iddaw ond rhoddi G.G1. P 152/102 ' It is only natural to him to give '.

vi. y naill (Ml. y neilV) ' the one ' is for *ynn eill in which *ynn = hynn 'this', Ir. ind 'the' < *scndo8 164 vi; *eill < *dVUos < *dlalios, redupl. of * olios : Lat. alius, Gk. oXAos ; owing to the wrong division the y is treated as the art. and becomes 'r after a vowel. Ml. W. y lleill ' the one ' may be similarly for *yll eill, in which *yll is an Z-demonstrative, like Lat. ille etc., ultimately allied to *alios itself, Brugmann 3 II ii 340. y llall similarly for *yll all; all < *dlio8 ; pi. y lleill with *eill < *dlii. aratt < *ardlio8 (: Ir. araile) by dissim. for *aldlios 102 iii (2); pi. ereill < *ardln\ see 100 iii (2), (3). Note the contrasted accentuation *dl(a)lios > *eill 'one' :

  • aldlios > arall 'other'. un 'one' 75 ii (i). rhyw < *riio- ; rhai

< *rin 75 v ; *riip- < *pri-o- = -prio- in Lat. proprius : Lat. prlvus, ihr. wrf.vif.r ' sincmlis '. mere ' sinoillaritfir '. Osr,. wreivatud ' Drivato.

natural to . . .' ; rhyw 'a particular kind'; etc,; *pri-o- may be an adj. derived from the prep. *pri (: *prei, *prai) ' before ' (' prominent ' > ' characteristic '), spv. Lat. primus.

166. i. ' Each other ' is expressed by pawb i gilydd or pob un i gilydd, literally ' each his fellow ' or ' each one his fellow '.

ac y tagnove&wyd pawb o naBunt ae giliS W.M. 451 ' and each of them was reconciled to the other '. Llawen vu pob un wrtli y giliS

honunt do. 9 ' Each of them welcomed the other '. (For the form gilib see 77 iii ; it is of course the spoken sound at the present day.)

Yn iach weithian dan y dydd

Y gwelom bawb i gilydd. -S.T., c.c. 186.

' Farewell now until the day when we shall see each other/ lit. ' each his fellow '.

In the 1 5th century pawb or pob mt came to be omitted, and

1 gilydd alone thus came to mean 'each other'.

Ni a gawn drwy flaenaw'r gwydd

Roi golwg ar i gilydd. Gut.O., A 14997/15.

'We shall see each other through the branches of the trees.' Ni a ddylem garu i gilydd A.O. 25 ' we ought to love one another '.

In the familiar Salesburian orthography i gilydd is of course ei gilydd ' his fellow '. As the antecedent is generally p]., the i was mistaken in the spoken lang. for i ' their ' (written eu) ; and after the ist and 2nd pi. yn and ych are substituted for it on the analogy of the construction of hun ' self ; thus in the recent period ein, eich, eu are written before gilydd, which owes its g- to the fact that the pron. before it was the 3rd sg. m. i ' his '.

Wm.S. and Dr. M. sometimes misspell the pron. as eu (Salesbury often confuses his own invention ei with eu ; the spoken form of both was i then as now). In the 1620 Bible the 3rd sg. m. pron. is correctly written in the orthography adopted in it : ar garu o honoch ei gilydd loan xiii 34 ; os bydd gennych gariad t'w gilydd do. 35 ; Byddwch yn vn-fryd d'i gilydd Khuf. xii 16 ; AnJwrchwch ei gilydd i Petr v 14; Anwylyd carwn ei gilydd i loan iv 7, see n, 12. la all these cases the 3rd sg. pron. was changed by E.M. (1746) to eich, 'ch, ein.

ii. (i) After yr un in negative sentences i gilydd often takes the place of y Hall.

Ac nyt attebei yr un mwy noe gilyS B.M. 211-2 'and neither answered more than the other '. nyoigawn yr un ohonunt votywrth y gilyS IL.A. 128 'Neither of them can be away from the other'.

(2) It takes the place of arall after neu ' or ' ; as ryw ddydd ne'i gilydd D.G. 337 [ne'i (for neu'i) misprinted noi\ ' some day or other '.

(3) It is used instead of arall or y llall after a noun, 165 ii (i), in such phrases as the following :

Srwc y [= y yj gilyS E.M. 141 'From one evil to another' ; or pryt y [= y y] gilyS do. 62 'from one time to the other' (? the same on the following day); or ysgraff jrwy gilyS s.G. 125 ' from one barge to the other'; or mor pw y [gilyS] W.M. 180, o'r mor py[=py y] gilyS E.M. 83, o'r mor bwy gilyS E.P. 1263 ' from sea to sea '.

Da iawn y gwyr dan y gwydd

Droi gw'ielyn drwy [i] gilydd. D.N. c.c. 265.

' Right well she knows under the trees [how] to plait an osier with another.'

The noun would originally be mas., as it is in the above examples. Breton has a form e-ben to be used instead of e-gile after a fern, noun ; this is more likely to be original than the Corn, use of y-ben after both genders. (The idea that this is pen 'head' is refuted by Henry, Lex. 109.)

iii. Irish each a chele, the exact equivalent of pawb i gilydd, is used in the same way. The Breton expression is ann eil egile (Legonidec 227) which in W. would be *y naill i gilydd.

The word cilydd is used as an ordinary noun in the older Welsh poetry; as rac Davyt awch kilyt kilywch P.M., M.A. i 280 'before David your comrade stand aside '. Duw y Cheli vu y chilyS B.D. E.P. 1251 'God her Lord was her companion'. Also in the proverb Ch(w)echach bwyt kilyS E.B. 966 'A neighbour's food is sweeter'.

For the etymology of the word see 106 ii (i).

167. i. (i) ' Self is expressed by sg. and pi. nun or sg. hunan, pi. Mn. hunain, Ml. hunein with prefixed pronouns ; for the forms see 160 i (2).

(2) fy hun means both 'myself and 'alone'; thus mi af yno fy hun 'I will go there myself or 'I will go there alone'. After gen. prefixed or infixed pronouns it means ' own ', as fy Ityfr fy hun ' my own book '.

(3) fy hun, dy hun, etc. always stand in an adverbial case, meaning literally 'by myself, etc.; they do not replace a pronoun or pro- nominal element, but supplement it. Thus euthum fy hun ' I went by myself (not *aeth fy hun 'myself went'); fy nhy fy hun 'my own house ' (not *ty fy hun ' the house of myself ') ; amcanodd ei ladd ei hun Act. xvi 27 ; cf. i loan i 8 ; lago 122; 2 Tim. ii 13 ; efe a'i dibrisiodd' ei hun Phil, ii 7 ; similarly arn&t dy hun i Tim. iv 16 (not *ar dy hun) ; 2/wddo ei hun Es. xix 1 7 (not *yn ei hun) ; drosiun e-hunein IL.A. 37 (not *dros e huneiri), etc. The reflexive ym- counts as a pronoun : ymrooi e-hun IL.A. 120, cf. 89 and A.L. i 176. (In colloquial Welsh i hun is used alone as the object of a verb or v.n., as wedi lladd i hun instead of wedi i ladd i hun, and this neologism occurs in recent writings ; but in other connexions the old construction survives, thus mi of fy hun, arnat dy hun etc.) But after a conjunction joining it to another clause the pronoun which it supplements is not necessarily expressed ; thus nyt archafinheu y neb govyn vy iawn namyn my hun K.M. 64 ' I will bid no one demand my indemnity but myself ; nad oes or tu yma 'r un ond fy hunan B.CW. 68 ' that there is on this side none but myself ; ynuch womy- hun IL.A. 67 ' higher than myself. When put at the head of the sentence fy hun etc. are followed by the adverbial rel. y (3/8, yr), as vy hun yr of I.D. 35 lit. '[it is] myself that I will go'; canys ei hunan y gelwais ef, ac y bendithiais, ac yr amlheais ef Es. Ii 2.

ii. un ' one ' has a derivative *un-an lost in "W. but surviving in Corn, onon, onan, Bret, unan; this and the fact that hun, hunan express ' alone ' make it probable that the -un in these is the numeral. But Corn, ow honan, Ml. Bret, ma hunan show that the h- in W. fy h-unan is not merely accentual. Before u it may represent either *s- or *su- ; thus hun may be from *su > oinom < *sue oinom (limiting accusative) ; the reflexive *sue might stand for any person at first (Brugmann 2 II ii 397), but personal pronouns were afterwards pre- fixed, thus *me su oinom > my hun. The u in Ml. mu etc. is due to assim. to the u of hun.

168. i. (i) Subst. pawb ' everybody '. Though sometimes treated as pi., e.g. pawb a debygynt W.M. 463 ' everybody thought ', pawb am gadawsant z Tim. iv 16, pawb is, like Eng. everybody, properly sg.,and is mas. in construction :

Pawb ry-gavas y gyvarws W.M. 470 ' everybody has received his boon '. So in a large number of proverbial sayings : Pawb a'i chwedl gantho 'everybody with his story'; Rhydd i bawb i farn 'free to everybody [is] his opinion' ; Pawb drosto 'i hun ' each for himself.

(2) Adj. pob [rad.] ' every . It sometimes forms improper compounds with its noun ; as popelh ( = poppeth for pobpetk) beside pob peth ' everything ' ; pobman beside pob man ' every place ' ; poparth G. 234 beside pob parth l every part ' ; o boptu besides o bob tu ' on each side '.

The mutated form bob, by dissimilation of the consonants appears, though very rarely, as bod, in late Ml. orthography bot : as y bot un ohonunt IL.A. 3 ' to each one of them '. N.W. dial, bod yg un ' each and all ', lit. ' and one ' ; earlier bod ag un IL.M. 9, T. i 346.

pob un, pob rhyw 165 iv, pob cyfryw ' every such ', as pob cyfryw orfoledd lago iv 16 'all such rejoicing'. But ordinarily pob cyfryw means ' every ' emphatic, ' all manner of, the cyf- having the intensive meaning 156 i (9) (b). It is followed by o ' of ' after pob (not by ag- ' as ' after cyf-, so that the cyf- is not comparative).

pob kyfryw Syn eithyr Awt B.P. 1245 'every single person but Awd '. Yr rei hynn oe8 gyfrwys . . . ym pob kyvryw arveu C.M. 10 ' these were skilful in all manner of arms '. Pa le i mae Christ ? Ymhob cyfriw le c.c. 319 ' Where is Christ ? In every single place '. Pob cyfriw beth coll. ' every single thing '. o bop kyfryw vwydeu or a rybuchd ehun s.G. 10 ' of all viands which (lit. of those which) he himself desired '. Cf. K.M. 8, K.B.B. 50.

(3) pawb, Ir. each, gen. cdich < Kelt. *q*aq%08 ; the second element is probably the interr. and indef. *q^os and the first, *q v a~, an adverbial form of the same (Thurneysen Gr. 293).

pob, Ir. each is the same, with the vowel shortened before the accent, which fell on the noun. The shortening is independent in W. and Ir. ; the W. o (like aw) implies Brit, -a-, 71 i (2). Similarly Bret, pep < *peup with *eu < -a-. The Ir. cech is an analogical formation ; see Thurneysen ibid.

ii. (i) Adj. yr noil [soft] 'all the',/y Ml [soft], etc., 'all my'. Before a definite noun the article or its equivalent is omitted : Tioll Gymry K.B.B. 340 ' all Wales ' ; holl lyssoeb y bayar W.M. 6 ' all the courts of the earth ' (lyssoeb being made definite by the dependent gen.).

A wybyb yr holl seint a wnneuthum i yina IL.A. 7 1 ' Will all the saints know what I have done here ? ' a'r holl bethau hyn Matt, vi 33 ' and all these things'; dy l&ollffyrdd Ps. xci n.

A compound of holl of the form hollre IL.A. 166, holre do. 165, y rolre (= yr dire) B.B. 71 is used much in the same way, but is rare.

The derivative hollol ' entire ' is an ordinary adj. following its noun, but is used chiefly with yn as an adverb : a hynny yn hollawl n, A. 162 'and that wholly '; cf. Ps. cxix 8 ; Gen. xviii 21, etc. (2) oil. This is always used in an adverbial case (of measure), and generally follows the word or phrase which it limits, though in poetry it may precede it.

Kemry oil A.L. i 2 ' all Wales ', lit. ' Wales wholly ' ; y byd oil G. 294 'the whole world ', lit. 'the world wholly' ; gwadu oil y dadyl A.L. i 396 ' to deny wholly the plea ' ; Nyni oil Es. liii 6.

It cannot be used in the nom. or ace. case, but is always adverbial, limiting the pronominal element which is subj. or obj., and which must be expressed ; thus aethant oil ' they went wholly ' (not *aeth oil ' all went ') ; arnaSunt oil E.M. 113 'on them altogether ', Mn. W. arnunt oil (not *ar oil), etc.; cf. fy hun 167 i (3).

NOTE. In Recent written Welsh a neologism yr oil has arisen to express ' the whole ', instead of y cwbl which is the form used in the natural spoken language, yr oil is even substituted for oil in late editions of earlier works ; thus Ti sy 'n trefnu oil dy hun Wins. 555 appears in recent hymn-books as Ti sy 'n trefnu 'r oil dy hun. (Of course yr + oil gives yr holl the adjectival phrase, see below.)

(3) W. oil < Kelt. *oliod (limiting accus.) ; Ir. uile < Kelt. *oliios ; probably cognate with Eng. all, Germ, all, Goth, alls < *ol-no-s.

The h- of holl is caused by the -r of the article before the accented vowel 112 i (2), and was transferred to cases where the article was not used. But the adverbial oil remained, since the article never occurred before this.

holbre seems to be compounded of holl and gre < *greg- : Lat. greg- ; as in camre 127.

iii. (i) Subst. cwbl ' the whole ', followed by o ' of.

Ef a Soy am dy benn cwbyl oV govut W.M. 80 ' all the retribution would have come upon thy head ' ; cwbyl a geveis i o'm hamherodraeth do. 190'! have recovered the whole of my empire ' ; kaeawS kwbyl

orysseu . . . y neuao S.G. 5 ' closed all the doors of the hall ' ; kwbyl o'r wirioneS do. 1 6 1 ' the whole of the truth ' ; y n 61 cwbl o gyfraith Moses 2 Bren. xxiii 25 ; cf. Nah. i 5.

In Late Mn. W. the article came to be put before cwbl ; this appears already in the Bible : Gen. xiv 20 (1620) ; in late edns. in Ex. xxiii 22, 2 Chron. xxxii 31.

(2) Adj. cwbl [soft] ' complete '.

cwbyl waradwyS a geveis W.M. 42 ' [it is] a thorough insult that

1 have had ' ; cwbyl weithret, cwbyl sarhaet A.L. 1526' the complete act, the full fine ' ; cwbl ddiwydrwydd 2 Pedr i 5.

It is also used after its noun : kanny bu weithret cwbyl A.L. i 526 ' since there was not a complete act ' ; cymodlonedd cwbl M.A. i 348 ' complete reconciliation '.

Adv. yn gwbl, o gwbl ' wholly ' : ac ereyll en kubyl a Sylcassant A.L. i 2 ' and others they entirely abrogated ' ; y bySei eur o gwbyl R.M. 62 [where iron should be] 'there was gold throughout', cf. B.B.B. 280. In neg. sentences o gwbl 'at all' is in common use in spoken \V. (pron. 6 gwbwl).

(3) W. cwbl, Corn, cowl, cowal probably represent *cwvl 1 1 1 vii (4)

< *kom-(p}lu-(s) : Gk. TroAvs, W. llawer 169 ii (3), the prefix having its intensive meaning, as in com-plete, etc., 156 i (9) (b).

169. i. (i) Subst. y sawl sg. ' such ', pi. ' as many ', used only before relative clauses, the rel. expressing- ' as ', 165 iv (10).

Y sawl ae gwelei kyflawn vySei oe serch B.M. 117' such as saw her was filled with her love'; gwelet y sawl a welei o velineu W.M. 161 to see as many as he saw of mills '. Y sawl a'm car ant i a garaf inneu Diar. viii 17.

Rarely sawl with a dependent genitive : a rwy o sawl y rei yssyb R.P. 1 252 ' and more of the like of those that are '.

(2) Adj. y sawl [soft] ' as many ', usually with a pi. noun and without ac ; but the noun may be sg. and ac expressed ; cf. 165 iv (10).

Ac ny ellit dwyn bwyt y'r sawl vilyoeS yssyB yma, ac o achaws lynny y mae y sawl velineu (hynri) W.M. 162 (E.M. 229) 'and food could not be brought to as many thousands as are here, and [it is] for that reason that there are so many mills ([as] these) ; y sawl vorynyon racko S.G. 33 ' as many maidens [as those] yonder '. y sawl ryve&awt ac yssyS yn y wlat Jionn S.G. 1 8 'as many a wonder as there is [lit. as which is] in this land '.

(3) The original meaning seems to be ' such ' ; hence probably sawl

< *s-tal- : Lat. tdlis, with Kelt, prefixing of s- 101 ii (i).

ii. (i) Subst. llawer sg. ' much ', pi. ' many ', followed, if need be, by o ' of '. Also pi. llaweroedd ' multitudes '.

A guedy byryer llawer yndi W.M. 2 1 ' and when much has been thrown into it ', i. e. much food ; llauer nys guir ae gowin B.B. 68 ' many who do not know ask it ' ; a llawer o vein gwerthvawr ereill IL.A. 1 66 ' and many other precious stones ' ; llawer a ddichon taer- weddi y cyfiawn lago v 16 ; fy ngwas cyfiawn a gyfiawnhd lawer Es. liii 1 1 .

In an adverbial case (of measure) llawer [rad.] before a cpv. and lawer after a cpv. signify ' much ' adv. : llawer gwett ' much better ' ; llawer iawn gwell Phil. 123 'very much better ' ; mwy lawer IL.A. 68 'much greater'; a rimy Wydyon noc ynteu lawer W.M. 106 'and Gwydion [regretted] more than he, much ' ; mwy oe8 ef lawer no hynny do. 229 'he was bigger much than that'. But o lawer is perhaps more common after the cpv., as in the last two passages in R.M. 77, 166. (2) Adj. llawer [rad.] ' many a ' followed by a sg. noun.

a llawer damwein a 8igawn bot W.M. 28 ' and many an accident may happen '.

Llawer merch weddw o'i pherchen,

Llawer gwr mewn llurig wen. D.IL., TK. 249.

'Many a woman widowed of her lord, many a man in a white corselet.'

(3) W. llawer < *(p)luueros formed by adding the cpv. suffix -ero- to *plu-, *p(a)lu- < *p e lu- ' Gk.

iii. (i) Subst. lliaws ' many, a multitude' ; lluosydd i&.

llyaus B.B. 5 (y = i); yn llvyr y guyr lluossit B.B. 66 (-it = -y?>) ' thoroughly does a multitude know it '. Na ddilyn liaws i wneuthur drwg Ex. xxiii 2; lliaws o flynyddoedd Job xxxii 7. With a de- pendent genitive : lliaws dy dosturiaethau Ps. li r.

(2) Adj. lliaws [soft] 'many a, much', with a sg-. or a pi. noun ; this is the noun lliaws compounded with another noun. The adj., used as a complement, is Ml. W. lluossawc, Mn. W. lluosog.

Lliaws guryaw E.P. 1216 ' much suffering ' ; Cevtis i liaws awr eur a phali M. M.A. i 192 'I had many a time gold and silk'; o liaws eirchyeid M.A. i 259 'of many suppliants '; i lios lu 71 ii (i) ; Mar lluosog yw dy weithredoedd Ps. civ 24.

(3) lliaws < *pleids-ta(t)8. The longer forms have u as lluossauc K.P. 1043, lluossogrwyS W.M. 34, E.M. 22, lluosog in 1620 Bible. These are not formed from lliaws but from an old adj. *pleiosto-s ) see 74 i (2), 75 iii (3) and 76 ix (2).

iv. (i) Subst. peth ' some, a certain quantity '.

Dywedadwy yw rac llaw o beth o vucheB Veuno IL.A. u 8 ' [the story] is to be told in what follows of some of the life of Beuno ' ; ac wrth hau, peth a syrthiodd ar ymyl y jford ... a pheth arall, etc. Luc viii 5-8.

In an adverbial case, beth ' to some extent, for some time ' :

Dir yw in dario ennyd,

Ac aros beth gwrs y byd. D.IL., IL 120/258 K.

' We must tarry a little, and await awhile the course of events.'

(2) peth is the interrogative pronoun 163 i (3) used indefinitely (cf. Gk. TIS) ; from ' some, something ' it came to mean ' thing ', and thus became an ordinary noun, pi. pethau ; see 163 vi.

v. (i) Subst. bychydic, ychydig ' a little, a few'.

bychydic a dal vy nghyngor i y ti s.G. 43 lit. ' [it is] little that niy advice avails to thee ' i. e. my a. is worth little. Pa obeith ysayb yr porthniyn ? Ychydic IL.A. 40 ' what hope is there for the merchants 1 A little', ychydig o nifer Ezec. v 3 ; ychydig o Iwnaw Job iv 12.

(2) Adj. ychydig [soft] sg. ' a little ', pi. ' a few '.

ychydig gysgu, ychydig fiepian, etc. Diar. vi i o ; ychydig win i Tim. v 23. ychydig bechodau T.A. c 16/13 ' a ^ ew S ^ U8 ' > ychydig ddyddiau Gen. xxix 20; ychydig betfiau Dat. ii 14.

(3) ychydig is for f ychydig mut. of bychydic : W. bychod ' small quantity ', bychodedd ' scarcity, poverty ' ; Corn, bodtes ' a little ', bocliesog, bochodoc ' poor ', Ir. bocht ' poor ' : *buk-so-t-, *buk-to- : with Kelt, b- for *p- to Lat. paucus 1 101 iii (2).

(4) Subst. odid ' a rarity '.

edit a vo inolediw K.P. 1041 'a rarity [is he] who is worthy of praise'; ac odit o'r rei hynny ysy8 yn gristonogyon IL.A. 165 "quarum paucae [lit. paucitas] sunt Christianae"; odid elw heb antur prov. 'a rarity [is] (i.e. there is rarely) profit without enter- prise '.

ond odid ' probably ', literally ' excepting a rarity '.

(5) odid : Lat. paucus, ~E.few 76 ii (3).

vi. (i) Adj. ami [soft] sg. ' many a ', pi. ' many ' ; ambell [soft] ' an occasional '.

Ami iawn waedd am Elm wen, Ami eisiau am elusen. T.A., c. ii 83.

' Full many a cry for fair Elin, many a need for charity.'

Ond o hirbell ymgellwair

(0 bai well ym] ymbell air. I.D. 23.

'But from afar bantering (if it were better for me) an occasional word.'

y mae rJtai a graffant ar ymbell air M.K. [vii] ' there are some who will look at an occasional word '. Ami ddrygau Ps. xxxiv 1 9, dy ami drugareddau di Dan. ix 18 ; ambell dro ' occasionally '.

"The dialectal i sometimes heard before the noun is a recent intrusion (? corruption of iawn as iii the first example).

Both these words are used as ordinary adjectives, and are compared; see Silvan Evans s.vv.

(2) ami < Brit *amb'lu-s for *ambilus < *mbhi-(p)lu-, with *plu- for *f e lu- : W. llawer ' many ', Gk. TTO\US, see ii (3) above.

ambell < *ambi-pell- 'mutually far'; for the prefix see 156 i (4) (b) ; for the stem 89 i.

170. i. Subst. neb ' any one ', dim ' anything ', are used chiefly with negatives ; as ni welais nel ' I did not see anybody ' ; heb Dduw, keb ddim ' without God, without anything '. Also in conditional sentences, as ophecha neb I loan ii i 'if any man sin ' ; in questions ; in comparisons ; etc.

A derivative nebawd occurs : nebaud B.B. 21,43 'any one', ny gwybyb nebawt B.T. 1 9 ' no one will know '.

ii. Owing- to constant association with negatives neb and dim came to be used in certain phrases for ' nobody ' and ' nothing '.

As a rule it is the verb that requires the negation ; thus ' he gave rue nothing ' is logically ' he did not give me anything ' ni roes efimi ddim, since there was no giving. But the verbal idea may be positive, as in ' it is given for nothing ' ; this has to be expressed by fe'i rJioddir am ddim, where dim has to stand for ' nothing '. dim is thus used as early as the i4th cent. ; see IL.A. 60, 89. But there seem to be no Ml. examples of neb ' nobody '.

iii. dim and neb are positive in positive sentences in the phrases

(1) pob dim ' everything' :

Pob dim kywrdn . . . goruc Kelvy8 B.D., R.P. 1251 ' every cunning thing the Artist made '. Duw, madden bob dim iddaw I.F. M 148/329 ' God forgive him everything'. Cf. i Cor. xiii 7; Deut. iv. 7, xxviii 47, 48 ; Col. i 16.

(2) y neb ' the one, he ' before a relative 162 vii (i) :

twyllwr yw y neb a a8efvo kyfvrinach arglwyS y'r nep a wypo y vot yn dyn i&aw IL.A. 26 ' he who betrays a lord's secret to him whom he knows to be his enemy is a traitor'. Cf. IL.A. 28, 32, 33, 34, etc. Y neb a atdlio ei yd, y bobl a'i melldithia Diar. xi 26.

(3) neb un 165 iv (3),

iv. (i) neb is used adjectivally, thus neb [rad.] 'any' : ni bu i/ma neb amarch F. 14 ' there has been no disrespect here '. It is rarely adjectival except in the follov ing phrases :

(2) neb un above ; neb rhyw 165 iv (8) ; neb fyw Sim ' anything at all ', W.M. 64, 65, U.M. 46, 47 ; neb dyn ' any man '

IL.A. 126.

(3) neb cyfryw [soft] ' any at all ', cf. 168 i (2).

Kanyt oes neb kyfryw rym . . . y gallem ni vynet R.B.B. 178 'for there is no power by which we might go '.

(4) nemawr, n&mor (for *neb rnawr), with a negative 'not much, not many, but little '. ny weleiste eto nemawr o boeneu uffernn IL.A. 154 ' so far thou hast seen but little of the pains of hell '.

Adjectival, with neg., nemor ddim ' hardly anything ', nemor un 1 hardly any one '.

yn emator s.o. 27, yn ymor C.M. 55, with prosthetic y 21 iii.

(5) n^pell (for * neb pell), with a neg. 'not far'.

er nad yw efe yn ddiau neppell oddiwrth bob un o honom Act. xvii 27 ; yn epell s.o. 219.

v. (i) dim is probably never an adj. ; a noun following it is a dependent genitive, as

heb Sim Ilyiveny8 IL.A. 147 'without anything of joy' i.e. without any joy ; heb allel givneuthur dim lies S.G. 37 ' without being able to do any good'; na wna ynddo ddim gwaith Ex. xx 10; cf. Ps. xxxiv 10.

(2) But before a definite noun or pron. o ' of ' is used after dim :

ny wybant Sim ohonunt IL.A. 8 ' they know nothing of them ' ; ac nyt oe8 dim ohonaw yno B.M. T 8 ' and there was nothing of him there' i.e. he was not there; ny warandawei Sim o'r attep W.M. 53 ' he would not listen to anything of the reply ' i. e. to the reply.

Sim o was of very frequent occurrence, and was reduced to mo in the spoken lang. (chiefly N.W.) as early as the i4th cent, if D.G. 496 is authentic. Cf. E.P. 271, Diar. xxii 22, 28, Job xxxvii 23, B.CW. i81. i.

Odid i Dduw, doed a ddel,

Fyth ddewis mo vath Howel. W.HJ. 45.

' Scarcely will God, come what may, ever choose such a one as Howel.'

(3) Used in an adverbial case bim signifies ' at all ', etc. Nac efbim. IL.A. 48 'not at all ' ; cf. i Cor. xv 29, i Thes. v 3.

This adverbial ddim is nearly as frequent in the spoken lang. as pas after a neg. in French.

vi. (i) W. neb, Ir. neck 'any one' (gen. neich) < Kelt. *neq*os

Lith. nekcts ' something ', nekiirs ' quidam '. It is believed that the
  • ne- is the neg. particle, so that the meaning was originally neg., and

became positive by the use of another neg. in the sentence (cf. Fr. nul). But it is possible that this *ne- is positive, and is a form of the w-demonstrative : Lat. ego-ne, see Walde 2 255 (where Lith. ne-kurs is so explained, though differently in 510).

(2) W. dim : Ir. dim ' something', as in ni di naccadim, acht is du dim ' it is not from no thing, but is from something '. The W. dim is written with t in Ml. MSB. which distinguish t and if ; and dim in "proest " with grym M.A. i 374 shows that its vowel was not ^ in the early i3th cent. a The v.n. diddymu is a late i6th cent, word formed from diddim on the false assumption that it stands for diddym as dibin does for dibyn 77 iii, whence dibynnu', a more correct, and pi-ob. older, form is diddimio M.K. [40]. In the laws dyn dioim means ' a man without assets ', see A.L. ii 36. Hence we may suppose W. dim < *di-smen ' share, part, fraction ', Vdai- ' divide ', K la *dai-, R 2 *di-, R 3 dl- 63 vii (5) : Gk. Satofuu, Sat's, Skr. ddyate ' divides, allots, possesses', ditih 'distribution' (E. time < Pr. Germ. *tvman- ' period ' < *di-) ; heb ddim lit. ' without a fraction '. A dimin. (or obi. case) dimyn occurs in kymeint timmyn E.P. 582 ' every jot ' (cf. kymein hun 106 iii (2)) ; whence perhaps Mn. bob tipyn (by dissim. mm > bb, which gives pp).


Wikisource notes
  1. On p. xxvii the author adds “*” here.
  2. On p. xxvii the author deletes the asterisk here.