and gynnag pwy, gynnag beth are found in some lesser writings of the late period; more recently they appear in the corrupt and curiously meaningless forms gan nad pwy, gan nad beth.
v. As the interrogative is always predicative it is followed regularly in Ml. and Mn. W. by the relative on the analogy of affirmative sentences; thus pwy a ŵyr ‘who [is it] that knows?’ on the analogy of Duw a ŵyr ‘[it is] God that knows’, § 162 vii (2). But this appears to be an innovation in the case of the interrogative, as the oldest examples omit the relative, as puy guant i (1), pa roteiste i (2), pir deuthoste i (5).
vi. The stems of the interrogative in Ar. were *qu̯o‑, *qu̯e‑, f. qu̯ā‑, also *qu̯i‑, *qu̯u- the last in adverbs only (Brugmann² II ii 348).—W. pwy < nom. sg. mas. *qu̯o‑i: Lat. quī < *qu̯o‑i.—W. pa, pỿ adj. < stem *qu̯o- compounded with its noun and so causing lenition; o after the labial becomes a, or remains and becomes ỿ, cf. § 65 iv (2).—W. pa, pỿ subst. < nom., ace. sg. neut. *qu̯o‑d, *qu̯i‑d: Lat. quod, quid; lenition is perhaps due to the analogy of the adj. pa, py.—W. peth < *qu̯id-dm̥ § 91 ii; already in Brit. the word had become indef., meaning ‘something, thing’, hence pa beth ‘what thing?’ beth is not necessarily a shortening of this, as pa is not omitted in such phrases in Ml. W.; but beth is for peth (= Ml. Bret. pez ‘quid?’) which occurs in Ml. W., see i (3), with b- as in ba, by i (2), ban b.b. 55, 56.—Ml. W. pet ‘how many?’ Bret. pet < *qu̯e-ti § 162 vi (2).—Ml. W. pyr ‘why?’ < *qu̯o‑r: Goth., O.E. hwar ‘where?’ < *qu̯o‑r, Lat. cūr < *qu̯ō‑r.—W. pan < *qu̯an-de < *qu̯ām-de: cf. O. Lat. quamde, Umbr. ponne § 147 iv (4) p. 245.—Ml. W. cw, cwd, cwẟ represent different formations of *qu̯u- (qu̯ > k before u § 89 ii (3)) by the addition of more than one of the suffixes named in § 162 vi (2); the different forms have been confused, and can no longer be disentangled; similar formations are Skr. kú-ha (h < dh), Gathav. ku-dā ‘where?’ Lat. ubi < *qu̯u‑dh‑, O. Bulg. kŭ-de ‘where?’
W. pam, pahám < *pa(ẟ)am < *qu̯od m̥bhi ‘what about?’ paẟiw or pyẟiw is obscure; no dative form seems possible; an analogical *pod-do might give *pyẟ (as d‑d > d § 93 iii (1)) and iw may be yw ‘is’ § 77 v; so ‘to whom it is’ or ‘for what it is’.
W. bynnag, Bret. bennak, bennag, seems to be from some such form as *qu̯om-de ‘when’ + ac ‘and’, so that in meaning it is the literal equivalent of Lat. cum-que, and is, like it, separable (Lat. quī cumque lit. ‘who and when’).
Demonstrative Pronouns and Adjectives.
§ 164. i. (1) The demonstratives hwn ‘this’, hwnnw ‘that’ are peculiar in having a neuter form in the singular. Both are substantival and adjectival. The adjectival demonstrative is placed after its noun, which is preceded by the article; thus y gŵr
