| 1. m. A a | |||||
| 2. f. B d | |||||
| 3. m. B c | 6. f. B c | ||||
| 4. f. A b | 7. m. A b | ||||
| 5. m. A a | 8. f. B d | ||||
| etc. | etc. | ||||
The woman 6, who under the exogamous law of the two classes is the potential wife of her father, is now no longer of that group which is marriageable with his, and it is only in his granddaughter (8) that she reappears.
By the next following segmentation into eight exogamous sub-classes, or as Dr. Frazer terms them, sections, a man's potential wife is removed still further.
I venture to suggest as a reasonable conclusion to be drawn from these successive restrictions that the initiative movement may have been brought about by an objection to intermarriage between children of the same mother.
I am pleased to be able, through Dr. Frazer's far-seeing suggestion, to place my views in this amended form.
A belief in the soundness of my view that all these and following restrictions upon what the native tribes regard as incestuous marriages have been the result of intention, is much strengthened by the fact that the same conclusions have been independently formed by Dr. J. G. Frazer, Mr. E. Crawley, and myself
Maternal Descent in the Salic Law
I now draw attention to one of the ancient Teutonic laws which seems to be capable of illumination by Australian custom.
In working out the details of the tribal systems of relationship, and the marriage rules given in this chapter, I was struck with an apparent analogy to one of the laws of the Salian Franks, and therefore also probably to the customs of other Teutonic tribes.
In following this out, I had recourse to the oldest available literature of the Teutonic peoples, namely, the so-called
