July, 1839; when they set on foot the plan of purchasing men their freedoms, on their written promise to vote as a named individual should direct; and the channels, the sums disbursed (three hundred sovereigns at the first swoop), were all matters of notoriety, and brought before the cognizance of a public meeting at the time. Of course it is not an occasion to be hard upon the Tories for following the example. Rightly does Sir Robert Peel say, 'There was something besides the Chandos clause that carried the election at Hull.' If he will come to Hull, we will show him to his heart's content. . . . And when we ask to have the strength of bribery and intimidation weakened by the Ballot, the Whigs tell us they will make it an open question, as the best means of putting it down; and the Tories call it our 'cowardly, mean, lying, hypocritical, sneaking, un-English, unmanly invention,' though' all the time, the lords and honourable gentlemen who call the Ballot a 'cowardly, mean, lying, hypocritical, sneaking, un-English, unmanly invention,' are using it in their own
being the only party that does not practice bribery, some remarks of a Tory leader in Mid-Lothian, on September 16, 1884, are extraordinary. This Tory leader who, after a panegyric on fox-hunting, said that "what was true of the chase of the fox was also true of the chase of the Radical," may be reminded of the answer of John, Duke of Argyle, to Queen Caroline. Her Majesty in her displeasure at the execution of Porteous, said she would make Scotland a hunting-field. "In that case, Madam," answered the Duke, with a profound bow, "I will take leave of your Majesty, and go down to my own country to get my hounds ready."
