LAST WEEK.
Any one who has haunted the London Clubs during Last Week must have been struck by the manner in which Lord Derby’s friends and supporters are now discussing the chances of their return to power. They seem to entertain a very confident expectation that ere long they will be called upon to undertake once more the government of the country. If you ask for positive facts, you are told that the electoral organisation of the Liberals is so defective that power is slipping away from their grasp. Within the last few weeks they have lost some seats, and if the same apathy continues they will in all probability be still heavier losers. The truth seems to be, that parties—if indeed such a term as “party” can now be applied to any particular body of politicians—are pretty equally balanced, both within and without the walls of Parliament. There is a great indifference as to political discussions, for the simple reason that there is no question of domestic interest which just now attracts the sympathies or provokes the opposition of multitudes. The natural consequence is, that the gains at the elections belong to that part) which takes most pains with the details of the electoral machinery. Now, the Conservatives—let us still retain the term—have, beyond all doubt, directed a far more strenuous attention to the registration books than their opponents; and, in consequence, have been slowly creeping on until, at length, they have succeeded in reducing the not very considerable majority of the Liberals in the Lower House to very narrow proportions indeed. It is very true that henceforth the government of this country must be carried on by exceedingly small majorities in the House of Commons; but still there must be a majority upon which reliance can be placed, or else a Parliamentary Session is wasted in idle and inconclusive debate. Practically the government of the country must be carried on, and the Premier who fails to secure the numerical superiority on a division in the House of Commons must yield to the statesman who, by the ingenuity and industry of his adherents, has succeeded in fulfilling the requisite conditions.
As a mere party move, it begins to be apparent that Lord Palmerston and his friends should have brought in some kind of Reform Bill this year—not but that the country is sufficiently apathetic upon the matter. As long, however, as the Liberals had hoisted the flag of Parliamentary Reform, and until some measure of Parliamentary Reform was carried, the return to power of the Conservatives was well-nigh impossible. Lord John Russell with his own lips has made the admission which has freed Lord Derby’s position from its chief difficulties.
If the country just now cares nothing for further changes in our electoral system, why should not Lord Derby and his friends have their turn of power, just as well as those who go down to Chesham Place, or who do business at Cambridge House? There are no considerations, as far as internal politics are concerned, beyond those of private sympathy, which should induce us to give or to withhold support from the chief of either party.
This then, as far as the internal policy of the country is concerned, may be taken to be the leading feature in the history of Last Week—namely, a growing distrust in the stability of Lord Palmerston’s administration. The chief consideration which seems to modify this conclusion is, that continental politics may take, and probably will take, such a turn as will exclude from power any administration in which the Earl of Malmesbury would be the representative of the foreign policy of this country. If the inhabitants of these islands are in earnest upon any matter of public interest just now, they are so about the settlement of the Italian question. As far as we can assist in bringing about such a conclusion, we are resolved that Italian affairs shall be so resettled as that Italy may take her place amongst the great powers of Europe, even although such a termination of the struggle may not be entirely free from danger to ourselves. Such danger we are willing to confront, as believing on the whole, as far as our personal interests are concerned, that we have far more to gain than to lose from an independent Italy! and, far more than this, as men who are desirous that right should be done, and that beautiful country should at all hazards be freed from the tyranny under which it has so long groaned, whatever the consequences may be. As a practical corollary to this proposition we desire that this country should, as far as our military and naval preparations are concerned, be placed in a thorough state of defence, and that mainly with the view of keeping ourselves aloof from any complications which may arise.
Now, it is the general belief throughout the country that our desires upon these points will be far more efficiently represented by Lord Palmerston and his friends than by those who would support Lord Derby, should he again be called to power. On the whole, it seems the better opinion, that if the peace of Europe is maintained, the Liberals had best look to it sharply, or the government of the country may soon pass out of their hands. If, on the other hand, the thunder-clouds which are gathering here and there over the Continent of Europe—notably on its Eastern extremity—should burst, then, in all probability. Englishmen of all classes would unite in the support of the present administration.
The division of Last Week upon the vexata quæstio of Church Rates, after all, took place on the proposition of an independent member. For many and many a year past Sir John Trelawny has made this question his own, and has at length brought it to a point at which his proposals are annually approved by the Commons, and annually rejected by the Lords. There can be but one conclusion to such a state of facts. Here is the Jew Bill again in another form. The Peers were beaten upon that in the long run—not without loss of prestige, which in their case is pro tanto loss of power. An affirmative decision was at length literally torn from them, and so it will be with regard to this matter of Church Rates. What a trifle it is, after all, that has given rise to this disturbance! Upon a very accurate calculation it