nobles have any political power. The Czar is thus in the closest connection, called paternal, with his people; but they are not the better for it; and the actual state of things is, that the nation consists of a peasantry of mere servile habits, above whom there is no middle class; of a nominal nobility who have no function in the state, but who live by functionarism; and of an autocrat, who is supposed to do what he likes, but who lives under the illicit control of a body of public servants, the most corrupt in Europe. Such is the present fate of countries where, during the settling of the three elements of society, the aristocratic element has been sacrificed.
For the other extreme, the alliance of the sovereign and aristocracy against the people, we look, not only to ecclesiastical states, like Rome, but to Germany, and, in a certain sense, to Sweden. In Sweden, the national character and condition suffer much from the excessive number of the aristocracy, who extend downwards among the shopkeepers, and even lower; one consequence of which is the difficulty of getting rid of several pernicious old feudal practices, and of making progress in freedom, religious and civil. What the German aristocracy are, all of us who have travelled in Germany have some idea; and it is quite unnecessary to describe the manners which are a proverb throughout Europe for insolence and egotism. The meek helplessness of the people is equally well known; and Prussia now affords as good an illustration as could be given of the state of a society in which the royal and aristocratic elements have effected a too close alliance, offensive and defensive, against the third element.
The remarkable case of a dominant aristocracy, which practically exercises the kingly and lordly functions in one, may now be best seen in the Southern Confederacy of the American States. There, again, as in Russia, there is no middle class; and the labourers are slaves: there is no popular freedom; and the entire power is in the hands of the aristocracy, restrained only by the fear of insurrection. This is no example for any European state; but rather a specimen of the crude social organisation of the Europe of a thousand years ago, revived in our time by peculiar influences which do not concern us here.
There remains the other combination—the alliance of the aristocracy and the people for the control of royalty. I need not point out that our own England is the one stable and illustrious example of this happiest combination. As the alliance grew up naturally, during the ages when sovereignty was a quite sufficiently weighty element, it was the securest process that any nation could go through. We have had our troubles, like every other people: those troubles have arisen from attempts in some quarter to alter the natural relations of the three parts of the social organisation; and all such disturbances have proved the national attachment to both monarchy and aristocracy, and have simply restored matters to their natural course. An ancient aristocracy, with real functions, political and social, and sustained and replenished by the people, forms with us a true link between the throne and the people at large. To this organisation we find ourselves now owing the dignity and security of our sovereign, in days when scarcely any other monarch in Christendom knows what security is. To this we owe that quality of mind in our nobles which enables them to learn, and to work, and to modify their desires and aims, to a degree never perhaps seen before, in any such body; and to this we owe the practical freedom of the citizen,—the true “liberty of the subject,” which in all civilised countries is a phrase borrowed from English history. Whatever may be the great and beneficent principles and arrangements which are to appear in the organic state of society which is to succeed the present critical one, the best scheme, up to this date, is unquestionably that which renders us now the tranquil, progressive, and hopeful nation that we are, at a time when despotisms and democracies are tottering or falling, in preparation for the next great new period. We have no desire to be alone in our privileges. It has been the highest political treat of our time to see Italy taking a path parallel with ours; and if Prussia tries to recover the right track, out of which her Court and aristocracy are forcing her, nobody will rejoice more heartily than England.
Thus we see how it is that the troubles which disturb and darken the world’s day of progress are mainly retributions for old mistakes, and the working of the dregs of old abuses. We see how it is that growing enlightenment and fresh discoveries are not yet making society so tranquil and happy as might have been supposed. What, then, is to be hoped? Nothing, certainly, from going back. Aristocracies, especially, cannot be made to order or at need: and the throne is but a shaky seat, unless it has grown up out of the soil. The lesson to be derived from the past is not to restore the external appearance of old institutions, but rather to learn how to prepare for and undergo change. When philosophers show us how the democratic element of society is growing, and must grow stronger, we are asked what will be the good, by and-by, of our moderate throne and aristocracy, which we now contemplate so thankfully? The answer is, that the best thing about both is, their ability to live and learn. For as long as we can see, they will no doubt live and learn, as at present: and we expect from them that just and natural influence which will keep the democratic element moderate in its strength and safe in its growth, instead of being like what democracy is where a despot humours, flatters, and betrays it, or a stupid aristocracy defies it, and gets destroyed in consequence.
There is a great deal to be got over before an organic period can set in;—before new wisdom can issue in a tranquil and orderly, though vigorous and active, condition of society. There is much to be witnessed,—much to be endured,—much to be done, to make Christians,—to make men, indeed,—of the creatures who are doing what is doing now in the woods of Poland, and the mountains of Southern Italy, and on the banks of the Mississippi; and wherever freedom is persecuted or repressed. There is much to do: but it will be done.
One happy circumstance is the timely destination of so many young princes and princesses to