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of militant societies in general. How little, under the militant régime, more or less markedly displayed in all early historic societies, there was any sentiment against depriving men of their liberties, is sufficiently shown by the fact that even in the teachings of primitive Christianity there was no express condemnation of slavery. Naturally the like holds with the right of property. Where mastery established by force is honorable, claims to possession by the weaker are likely to be little respected by the stronger. In Feejee it is considered chief-like to seize a subject's goods; and theft is virtuous if undiscovered. In Dahomey the king "squeezes" any one as soon as he acquires property. Among the Spartans "the ingenious and successful pilferer gained applause with his booty." In mediaeval Europe with perpetual robberies of one society by another there went perpetual robberies within each society. Under the Merovingians "the murders and crimes it ["The Ecclesiastical History of the Franks"] relates have almost all for their object the possession of the treasure of the murdered persons"; and under Charlemagne plunder by officials was chronic: the moment his back was turned "the provosts of the king appropriated the funds intended to furnish food and clothing for the artisans."

Where warfare is habitual, and the required qualities most needful and therefore most honored, those whose lives do not display them are treated with contempt, and their occupations regarded as dishonorable. In early stages labor is the business of women and of slaves—conquered men and the descendants of conquered men; and trade of every kind, carried on by subject classes, long continues to be identified with lowness of origin and nature. In Dahomey, "agriculture is despised because slaves are employed in it." "The Japanese nobles and placemen, even of secondary rank, entertain a sovereign contempt for traffic." Of the ancient Egyptians Wilkinson says, "Their prejudices against mechanical employments, as far as regarded the soldier, were equally strong as in the rigid Sparta." "For trade and commerce the (ancient) Persians were wont to express extreme contempt," writes Rawlinson. The progress of class differentiation which accompanied the conquering wars of the Romans, was furthered by establishment of the rule that it was disgraceful to take money for work, and also by the law forbidding senators and senators' sons from engaging in speculation. And how great has been the scorn expressed by the militant classes for the trading classes throughout Europe down to quite recent times, needs no showing.

That there may be willingness to risk life for the benefit of the society, there must be much of the feeling called patriotism. Though the belief that it is glorious to die for one's country can not be regarded as essential, since mercenaries fight without it, yet it is obvious that such a belief must conduce greatly to success in war; and that entire absence of it must be so unfavorable to offensive and de-